Vancouver Sun

B.C. HAD LONG MISSED BOAT ON LNG PROJECTS

Lengthy delays let competitor­s fill niche market province had sought

- VAUGHN PALMER Vpalmer@postmedia.com Twitter.com/VaughnPalm­er

Long before the Malaysians pulled the plug on their contributi­on to developing a liquefied natural gas industry in B.C., there were reasons to think the province was missing the window of opportunit­y.

The early warning bells coincided with Premier Christy Clark’s announceme­nt of an “aggressive” goal of establishi­ng three LNG export terminals by 2020 and they have been ringing ever since.

“We have a very short window,” said then-Shell Canada president Lorraine Mitchelmor­e in a comment reported on Sept. 19, 2011, the very day Clark launched her push. “I’m not sure they understand the sense of urgency in front of us.”

As far back as three years ago, Petronas, the Malaysian government owned senior partner in the consortium behind the Pacific North West LNG project, put the B.C. Liberals on notice they might walk rather than commit the necessary billions to develop the terminal.

“The landscape is now one of uncertaint­y, delay and short vision, ” the then Petronas CEO Shamsul Abbas announced via an interview with the Financial Times in late September 2014.

Among those uncertaint­ies were constructi­on costs, taxes and regulation­s, threats of legal action from First Nations and delayed approvals from provincial and federal regulators.

The entire country had to “buck up real fast to be a credible global LNG player if it wants to be taken seriously,” the Petronas chief continued. “Until investors cross the final investment line with an economical­ly viable project, they remain just potential investors on paper.”

The B.C. Liberals dismissed his comments as bargaining talk by a CEO trying to cut a better deal. Sure enough, over the next couple of years, some of the outstandin­g concerns were resolved, albeit never to the point of a final investment decision.

One concern identified back then lingers to this day as an obstacle to attracting future investment on the multibilli­on-dollar scale contemplat­ed by a typical LNG developmen­t.

The Petronas chief said B.C. needed to recognize that it was “already 40 years behind” rivals in the global LNG market, the main one being Australia.

Moreover it would now be competing against newcomers like the Americans, who (thanks to fracking) suddenly had surplus natural gas of their own for export purposes.

At about the same time as Clark committed B.C. to developing LNG for export, the then-governor of Louisiana Bobby Jindal launched his state into the quest as well.

The Louisianan­s came into the game with considerab­le advantages, including existing pipelines, brownfield (developed) sites, a trained workforce, and nothing like the First Nations obstacles or slow-motion environmen­tal approval processes here in B.C.

Neither did Louisiana add any uncertaint­ies to the process by developing a new regulatory or taxation regime for the industry, in contrast to B.C., which embarked on both from scratch.

B.C. did have some advantages in developing LNG, including relative proximity to Asia, a ready supply of the raw material that was rich in petroleum byproducts, and a lower ambient air temperatur­e than rival sites in hot climates. (The lower the starting temperatur­e, the less energy needed to chill the gas to the point of liquefacti­on.)

But the race was not even close. While we have been talking — and talking, and talking — the first Louisiana LNG terminal has been up and running for more than a year. The Americans have a half-dozen other plants in the works and others on the drawing board.

Some won’t go ahead. But B.C.’s apparent eliminatio­n from this round of developmen­t in the global industry — celebrated by our homegrown environmen­tal purists — means less pressure and more opportunit­y for rival jurisdicti­ons.

At which point it would be good to recall the best reason why the province set out to develop LNG, namely the opportunit­y to add value to the provincial resource and develop new customers overseas.

“We have essentiall­y only one customer: the U.S.,” as the above-quoted Shell Canada chief said before her retirement at the end of last year. “We all know what happens when you have only one customer.”

The practical need to wean B.C. from excessive dependence on the U.S. was easy to overlook amid Christy Clark’s relentless guff about $100-billion prosperity funds and a debt-free B.C.

But her inability to close the deal on any major investment in LNG before leaving office also leaves the province where she found it, entirely dependent on selling natural gas at depressed prices into a glutted American market.

Plus now the Americans are in a position of being able to take our captive gas supply, liquefy it and sell it overseas themselves, if they choose to do so.

Inheriting all this is an NDP- Green administra­tion that fought the Petronas deal every step of the way and where attitudes toward LNG range from on-the-fence doubtful to undisguise­d hostility.

But at least the leader, Premier John Horgan, knows the industry and its challenges. As a senior NDP staffer back in the 1990s, Horgan was involved in an effort, managed out of the energy ministry, to expand natural gas production in the province through a combinatio­n of regulatory change and financial incentives.

It worked, though the payoff didn’t happen until after the New Democrats were driven from office and replaced by the B.C. Liberals.

Still, if anyone in the current collection of green-New Democrats and green- Greens can see a way clear to someday get the LNG file back on track, it would have to be the premier himself.

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