Waterloo Region Record

The Indian Act needs to go

- Brian Giesbrecht Brian Giesbrecht is a retired judge and a senior fellow at the think-tank Frontier Centre for Public Policy. Distribute­d by Troy Media

“The Indian Act is the root cause of all of the maladies that our people suffer from,” Aboriginal leader Craig Blacksmith said recently. He’s absolutely right.

Blacksmith was a candidate in the recent Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs (AMC) election. He ran on a platform of getting rid of the Indian Act.

While he made it clear that he wasn’t calling for an end to the lucrative relationsh­ip that status Indians have with the federal government, Blacksmith maintained that the act must go.

Blacksmith is not the only Aboriginal leader to call for an end to the act. High-profile leaders like Shawn Atleo and the late Elijah Harper did so years ago. Shortly before he died, Harper said, “The Indian Act treats us like children. We should get rid of it.”

The historical irony of Aboriginal leaders demanding that the Indian Act must go is breathtaki­ng — leaders telling Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to do exactly what their predecesso­rs told Justin’s father, then-Prime minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, what they wouldn’t stand for when he first proposed it almost 50 years ago.

That was when Pierre Trudeau and his minister of Indian Affairs, a very young Jean Chrétien, put out their now infamous white paper outlining exactly the same idea: to get rid of the Indian Act. The paper — very progressiv­e for its time — proposed that Aboriginal people would be generously compensate­d for treaty rights, and substantia­l allotments of money would be set aside for education and training programs to help ease people into the workforce.

What happened when they put out the white paper was a travesty. Aboriginal leaders, realizing that they would lose their artificial­ly privileged place, along with a cornucopia of financial benefits, let out a howl heard from coast to coast. They convinced the majority of poor Aboriginal people, who actually had the most to gain from the abolition of the Indian Act, to oppose Trudeau’s plan.

Trudeau and Chrétien, faced with threats of nationwide blockades, backed down.

Meanwhile, an army of opportunis­ts has attached itself like zebra mussels to this money pipeline. And many of these clever people are not even Aboriginal.

An exact amount extracted yearly from the government by this industry can’t be obtained, because efforts to get proper accounting are thwarted. But the annual amount is probably in excess of $20 billion — and growing. This is not sustainabl­e.

When one listens to the Aboriginal leaders who today call for an end to the Indian Act, one realizes quickly that they’re not talking about all Canadians becoming equal at all. They’re actually after a new Super-Indian Act that gives everyone born with some degree of Aboriginal ancestry a pension for life, simply by being born — and one that leaves them firmly in control of the tidal flow of money from Ottawa.

However, let’s take them literally and believe they want the Indian Act to be abolished with fair compensati­on. In fact, let’s do what their Aboriginal counterpar­ts in New Zealand have already done. The Maori people came to realize that remaining in grievance mode and relying on the government for their every need prevented them from moving forward.

They settled with the government on a buyout, and are now far ahead of Canada’s Aboriginal people in terms of self-reliance and prosperity.

Trudeau the elder had his flaws but he was a man of vision. He knew absolutely that a country must have one class of citizen and one set of laws to be successful.

On this one, Trudeau the younger should mind his father.

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