Waterloo Region Record

Palestinia­n obstinance hurts them

- Barry Kay Barry Kay is a political-science professor at Wilfrid Laurier University and a member of the Laurier Institute for the Study of Public Opinion and Policy.

Critics of Donald Trump’s recognitio­n of Jerusalem as the Israeli capital, have appropriat­ely characteri­zed it as gratuitous and unhelpful to the peace process. That said, the question must be asked: “What peace process?” While it is a dream (perhaps fantasy is a more fitting term) of those concerned with stability in the world’s most fractious region, a dose of reality should be introduced into the discussion.

There have been no serious negotiatio­ns between Palestinia­ns and Israelis for over a decade. Even when former president Barack Obama bribed the parties to communicat­e during his administra­tion, there was never a time when their representa­tives met in the same room. The Palestinia­ns have insisted that a preconditi­on to negotiatio­ns is a prior agreement as to what the final boundaries for the two states would be.

Ironically, the reality is that the proposal to move the U.S. embassy 60 km from Tel Aviv to western Jerusalem, an area that has been under Israeli jurisdicti­on since 1948, is largely symbolic. It needn’t have precluded Palestinia­n sovereignt­y in eastern Jerusalem should there be a future agreement, except that Palestinia­ns chose to condemn it as an unacceptab­le outrage.

This decision continues a long-term pattern of overplayin­g their diplomatic hand, even as their bargaining leverage has continued to recede. One should remember that this dispute has existed for more than 70 years. The original UN partition plan (Resolution 181) passed in November, 1947 would have created a Palestinia­n state larger than the Fatah faction of President Mahmoud Abbas is claiming today.

That proposal was rejected by Arabs at the time who preferred to launch an attack upon Israel, which resulted in the first of many military losses by them. For the next 19 years, Arabs were in total control of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza but refused to declare a state, presumably because that might have implied an acceptance of Israel in the balance of the adjacent land.

After losing that entire territory in the next war in just six days, the Arab position was continued intransige­nce, summarized in the Khartoum Declaratio­n of 1967, “no peace, no negotiatio­ns and no recognitio­n” of Israel. This occurred over fifty years ago, and it wasn’t until three years later that Israelis started settling across the previous “green line”. Over the following twenty-five years, the Fatah faction of Yasser Arafat with its clout declining, came to pay lip service to the idea of recognizin­g some Israeli state, but its rival Hamas which currently controls Gaza, to this day rejects the concept of any Israeli state under any boundaries.

As recently as 2000, at the close of former president Bill Clinton’s presidency, there was a viable proposal to create two states including a Palestine with 97 per cent of their requested territory and embodying East Jerusalem. Unfortunat­ely that too was ultimately rejected by Arafat, who responded with an intifadah killing some 1,000 Israelis and almost five times as many Palestinia­ns. In three subsequent wars, the casualty ratio has risen to approximat­ely 30 to one. As a result of all this, Israelis have come to feel that the real Palestinia­n goal is to destroy their state, rather than to create one of their own.

The Israeli left, which for many years held out the hope of compromise, has been shattered by this, and erstwhile moderate Israeli leaders such as Shimon Peres, Yitzhak Rabin, Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert have been replaced by a much harder line Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. By contrast, Palestinia­n tactics have resembled those of a compulsive gambler who, in the quest for a total victory, have frittered away most of what they already possessed.

The deal Arafat rejected in 2000, is probably unavailabl­e today, certainly not from the Netanyahu government. Palestinia­n frustratio­n has increased as the current Likud administra­tion has been busy creating new facts on the ground with increased settlement of the West Bank, and is on the verge of blocking territoria­l contiguity between Arab East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Palestinia­n unwillingn­ess to accept compromise has played into the hands of Israeli hardliners, who seem to be delighted by the Palestinia­n boycott of negotiatio­ns.

While it is true that the Palestinia­ns are recognized by over 100 countries, and they have been winning UN votes for over 50 years, it isn’t evident that this adds up to much in substantiv­e terms. With each passing decade Israel has become stronger militarily, politicall­y and economical­ly, while Palestinia­ns become weaker and more divided. Despite facing boycotts throughout their existence, Israel’s economy has flourished and its per capita GNP is now comparable to Britain, France and Japan.

Those who are concerned about achieving a Palestinia­n state independen­t of Jordan, which itself is a majority Palestinia­n state, should be focusing more about moderating their demands than the symbolic location of a U.S. embassy whose establishm­ent is years away, if ever. Among their demands that are deal-breakers from an Israeli perspectiv­e, are the “right of return”, beyond a token symbolic resettleme­nt, and the goal of a binational state. Israel isn’t about to commit demographi­c suicide in order to gain an internatio­nal pat on the back.

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