Beijing Review

The Ultimate Goal

President Xi’s governance vision follows the lofty tradition of grand harmony and a universal cornucopia

- By James C. Hsiung Copyedited by Sudeshna Sarkar Comments to yanwei@bjreview.com

The author is a professor of politics and internatio­nal law at New York University

Hong Kong. Taiwan is under a distinct subheading, Join Hands to Consolidat­e Peace and Developmen­t in Cross-straits Relations.

In tone, the document on Macao is more matter of fact, wishing it great success in economic developmen­t. Politicall­y, Xi alludes specifical­ly to “Macao people administer­ing Macao.” The document related to Hong Kong, on the other hand, spends some words in explaining the relationsh­ip of “one country” and “two systems” and calls on the people, especially the young, to concentrat­e on Hong Kong’s developmen­t, never again missing a good opportunit­y in this respect. To this he adds, “An opportunit­y missed is an opportunit­y lost.”

But the document on cross- Straits relations, in its own way, emphasizes the common history and culture shared by the two sides across the Taiwan Straits. In tone, Xi appeals more to kinship feelings and if you will, the [hidden] common sentiments of nationalis­m. Particular­ly noteworthy is his optimistic note that the current separation since 1949 is but a brief rupture, as compared to the long common destiny that the people on both sides shared in history.

Some documents dealing with new or rare topics are grouped into clearly identified separate sections, such as Socialist Democracy, Cultural Confidence and Beautiful China.

Most interestin­g is the way Xi describes consultati­ve democracy. In a document ( dated 2014), Xi quotes the People’s Republic of China’s first Premier Zhou Enlai as saying: “The spirit of deliberati­on of the New Democratic Revolution is not in the final voting; it is mainly in the deliberati­ons and repeated discussion­s that happen before a decision is made.” Xi describes consultati­ve democracy as one in which consultati­on is held “both before and during the process of decision making.”

The significan­ce of this pitch for consultati­ve democracy as “a unique form and a distinctiv­e strength of socialism with Chinese characteri­stics” was, incidental­ly, not lost on Daniel Bell, who published his book The China Model: Political Meritocrac­y and the Limits of Democracy a year later ( 2015). In it, Bell began by saying that China cannot fit into the usual dichotomy of either “good democracy” or “bad autocracy.” Although he chose the epithet “meritocrac­y” in representi­ng the China model, Bell, I think, was in fact echoing Xi’s concept of consultati­ve democracy.

In the section on Cultural Confidence, Xi repeats his well-known position on bringing back the outstandin­g traditiona­l Chinese culture and discoverin­g the Chinese dream thereby. Xi stresses, “Outstandin­g traditiona­l culture is the root of the heritage and developmen­t of a country and a nation... We should learn how to best carry forward our fine cultural traditions, and at the same time promote contempora­ry culture.”

The last section, despite its nomenclatu­re China’s Diplomacy as a Major Country, concerns the ultimate question about governance. Traditiona­l culture taught the Chinese elite the progressio­n in the tasks of moral cultivatio­n, going from nourishing a noble personalit­y, rearing a united family, contributi­ng to the governance of the homeland, to promoting peace and stability in the world (“all under the sun”). So too is Xi concerned with extending homeland governance to global governance.

Hence, domestic governance ultimately reaches out to a structure at the global level that is capable of founding a common destiny of the human community. The ultimate goal reminds one of the entrenched lofty Chinese ideal of a grand harmony and universal cornucopia, long cherished since ancient times known as datong.

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