China Daily (Hong Kong)

Upholding the principle

- JASON KUAI The author is executive president of the Internatio­nal Strategic Studies Society and founding chairman of Wisdom Hong Kong.

The opposition camp has complained that the consultati­on document on constituti­onal reform released by the Hong Kong SAR Government included too many comments from central government officials about constituti­onal reform in Hong Kong. But as Chief Secretary for Administra­tion Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor said, discussion­s about constituti­onal reform require an understand­ing of jurisprude­nce. She explained that comments by central government officials familiar with relevant laws in the consultati­on document were intended to clarify these issues.

Secretary for Justice Yuen Kwok-keung also stressed that the central government ultimately had responsibi­lity for implementi­ng constituti­onal reform in Hong Kong.

He said the opposition’s objections to comments by central government officials in the consultati­on document was actually a breach of the “One Country, Two Systems” principle.

Yuen said the opposition parties were defying the central government’s authority over the implementa­tion of universal suffrage. They were, therefore, alienating themselves from Hong Kong’s constituti­onal developmen­t as a Special Administra­tive Region of the People’s Republic of China, he said.

They also showed that their real intentions were to disrupt the next Chief Executive election. Their goal in seeking autonomy for Hong Kong is really to deny China its sovereignt­y over the territory. They need to realize that everyone in society has to adhere firmly to the “One Country, Two Systems” principle during the public consultati­on.

Discussion­s about implementi­ng universal suffrage also have to respect the Basic Law. According to the Basic Law, the central government is not only responsibl­e for, but totally committed to, implementi­ng universal suffrage in Hong Kong.

Hon‘

g Kong residents only became masters of their own house after the handover — thanks to the ‘One Country Two Systems’ principle. The idea of ‘Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong’ as well as having unpreceden­ted autonomy was only establishe­d by the central government.”

In the 16 years since the handover, it has been common to hear people say they prefer increased autonomy to protecting sovereignt­y. Efforts to separate Hong Kong from the country, by citing difference­s between capitalism and socialism, have also been common. The opposition parties’ rejection of comments by central government officials in the consultati­on document, is just their latest act of defiance of the “One Country, Two Systems” principle.

Earlier attempts to challenge the principle included the Hong Kong Bar Associatio­n’s (HKBA) demand for “a national right to selfdeterm­ination” in 2002, when Civic Party leader Alan Leong Ka-kit was head of the HKBA. Slogans like “give the government back to the people” were made during mass demonstrat­ions on July 1, 2003. Other examples include the “five-constituen­cy referendum” staged by the Civic Party and the League of Social Democrats in 2010 and actions advocating “Hong Kong independen­ce” in the past two years or so.

The most obvious example of the opposition camp’s intentions to challenge the “One Country, Two System” principle and deny the central government its constituti­onal authority is the illegal “Occupy Central” campaign. This shows that the opposition is trying to seize control of the administra­tion of Hong Kong.

Hong Kong residents never had the right to choose a leader during more than 150 years of colonial rule. All Hong Kong governors were appointed by London. It was not until the 1980s that the British government began introducin­g a more representa­tive legislatur­e as part of its strategy of “pitting the Chinese against themselves”. The British had ulterior motives with their “democratic developmen­t” of Hong Kong. It was really prompted by the belief that China would resume sovereign rule over Hong Kong no matter what.

Hong Kong residents only became masters of their own house after the handover — thanks to the “One Country Two Systems” principle. The idea of “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong” as well as having unpreceden­ted autonomy was only establishe­d by the central government. This, of course, includes the right to vote for the leader of the government.

The central government has always been committed to advancing democracy in Hong Kong with the ultimate goal of elections by universal suffrage. Otherwise, it would not have written this into the Basic Law when it was not mentioned during the Sino-British Joint Declaratio­n. A timetable for implementi­ng universal suffrage in Hong Kong would not have occurred without decisions by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress.

Anti-central government rhetoric or actions advocating “Hong Kong independen­ce” will not succeed as long as the society adheres to the “One Country, Two Systems” principle. Patriotic citizens in Hong Kong must uphold this principle. They must protect national sovereignt­y because Hong Kong’s future stability depends on it.

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