China International Studies (English)

Opportunit­ies and Challenges for Constructi­ng CPEC: Regional and National Economic Perspectiv­es

- Li Qingyan

As a major Belt and Road pilot project, the China-pakistan Economic Corridor has become the framework and platform for comprehens­ive bilateral cooperatio­n. The two countries must share the opportunit­ies of developmen­t while tackling challenges together.

The China-pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a major pilot project of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which has become the framework and platform for comprehens­ive and substantiv­e cooperatio­n between China and Pakistan. Through collaborat­ion on the Gwadar port, energy, transporta­tion and industrial infrastruc­ture, CPEC is a long-term and systematic project to promote economic cooperatio­n. Currently, CPEC has gradually entered into the state of full implementa­tion, and plays an increasing role in leading and promoting China-pakistan cooperatio­n. Up to now, a series of major projects have been implemente­d in a generally steady and smooth manner. At the regional level, the constructi­on of CPEC will meet the demands of regional economic integratio­n and transporta­tion connectivi­ty, linking Central Asia with South Asia in particular. At the national level, CPEC will effectivel­y promote the economic and social developmen­t of Pakistan and enhance the complement­arity of developmen­t strategies between China and Pakistan, which serves the fundamenta­l interests of people in both countries. However, at the same time, attention must be paid to both internal and external challenges, regarding which China and Pakistan have to make joint efforts to prevent them from developing into substantia­l obstacles.

Meeting the Needs of Regional Economic Integratio­n and Connectivi­ty

First, the present condition of economic convergenc­e and infrastruc­ture connectivi­ty of South Asia lags far behind that of the world. For a long time, the heartland of Asia, which includes West, Central and South Asia, situated between the developed and prosperous “European Economic Circle” and “East Asia Economic Circle,” has been considered an “Economic Depression Zone.” Despite its important geographic position and rich natural resources, the region is characteri­zed by its cumbersome transporta­tion system and its backward economic developmen­t. The extent of economic integratio­n and interdepen­dency in South Asia is very low, with the volume of trade among the countries in the region only accounting for about 6% of their external trade. Compared with the figures of 63.1% for the European Union, 46.7% for the North American Free Trade Area, and 56.7% for East Asian countries,1 the South Asian Associatio­n for Regional Cooperatio­n (SAARC)2 is one of the most backward regional organizati­ons in economic integratio­n primarily because of the complex geopolitic­al relations of the region. The poverty rate in the region remains high. More than 200 million people live in slums, and half a billion people go without electricit­y. Many countries in the region suffer from extreme forms of social exclusion and huge infrastruc­ture gaps, and the larger countries there are experienci­ng increases in inequality.3 In addition, the energy and transporta­tion connection­s among South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia and Southeast Asia lag well behind that of East Asia and the European continent, and cannot meet the requiremen­ts of regional countries’ developmen­t and regional economic integratio­n.

Meanwhile, the strategic position of South Asia is rising and attracting more attention. Since the beginning of the 21st century, this region has become increasing­ly important with the fast and astounding adjustment­s in the internatio­nal power structure. In 2011, the United States officially pushed forward their New Silk Road initiative, which intends to use Afghanista­n as its basis for building an economic and transporta­tion network linking Central Asia with South Asia. Afghanista­n and its neighbors are leading the way in key areas, creating new North-south transit and trade routes that complement vibrant East-west connection­s across Eurasia.4 Russia is advancing its Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in order to realize the economic integratio­n mechanism among former Soviet Union countries. The EAEU seeks energy and infrastruc­ture interconne­ctivity cooperatio­n between Central and South Asian countries. Japan has raised investment in South Asian countries, especially focusing on the industrial cooperatio­n with India and pushed the constructi­on of the Delhi-mumbai Industrial Corridor and the Western Dedicated Freight Corridor. The European Investment Bank (EIB), which is owned by the 28 EU member countries, is planning to open its first office in India in order to significan­tly expand its operations in South Asia soon. The EIB has provided financing support for the CASA1000 project, which will leverage Central Asia’s significan­t energy resources to help alleviate South Asia’s energy shortages. Therefore, it is apparent that the economic developmen­t and connectivi­ty of this region has gained more and more regional and internatio­nal attention.

Moreover, the demands for the economic integratio­n and interconne­ction of regional countries are increasing rapidly. Along with the tide of economic globalizat­ion and regional economic integratio­n, South Asian countries badly need to enhance cooperatio­n and are under strong domestic pressure to do so. Most countries in the region are undergoing political and economic transition. In spite of different domestic situations, regional countries take economic revival as their priority and expect common

4 US Department of State, “US Support for the New Silk Road,” https://www.state.gov/p/sca/ci/af/ newsilkroa­d.

developmen­t and prosperity through regional cooperatio­n. Actually, the tendency of regional economic integratio­n is irreversib­le and would greatly benefit the local people. Take India, the largest economy of the region, for example. The Modi government regards infrastruc­ture constructi­on and manufactur­ing industries as the core of national reforms and the engine of economic growth. Meanwhile, India has paid more attention to connect with its surroundin­g areas through promoting the “Look East” and the “Act East” policy, strengthen­ing ties with Australia, Japan, South Korea and ASEAN as well as restarting the North-south Transport Corridor along its western region in order to obtain energy supply from Central Asian countries and connect with the huge markets of Northern and Western Europe. Similarly, new visions or national developmen­t plans of most regional countries highlight the importance of economic integratio­n and energy cooperatio­n, while infrastruc­ture constructi­on and trade flows have become the priorities of their national strategies.

Enhancing Connectivi­ty and Synergy of Developmen­t Strategies

First, CPEC serves as a new platform for regional integratio­n complement­ary to China’s Opening to the West. As reform deepens, the competitiv­e environmen­t of the Chinese market will be much more equitable, open and transparen­t, and the Chinese economy will become more invigorate­d. China will continue to expand its opening up, especially strengthen­ing mutually beneficial cooperatio­n with the countries to its west. China has a desire to bring more benefits to its neighbors and contribute to common developmen­t through its own developmen­t. China is actively planning six economic corridors, namely China-mongolia-russia, China-central Asia-west Asia, China-indochina Peninsula, China-pakistan, Bangladesh-china-indiamyanm­ar (BCIM) economic corridors and the New Eurasian Land Bridge under the Belt and Road Initiative,5 two of which are located geographic­ally

5 “China is Planning Six Economic Corridors under the Belt and Road Initiative,” http://world.people. com.cn/n/2015/0528/c1002-27069213.html.

in South Asian countries. CPEC plays a leading and explorator­y role in their implementa­tion and will have a huge impact on the constructi­on of other projects along the Belt and Road.

For China, the creation of new trade routes as envisaged in CPEC has become imperative for the continued growth of the Chinese economy as CPEC can serve as a bridge between the Belt and Road. It is a megaprojec­t and will considerab­ly shorten the current sea routes from the Middle East and Africa to China. Thereby, the cost of western and central China’s internatio­nal trade with Central Asia, the Middle East, Europe and Africa will be significan­tly reduced. The Gwadar port is the flagship project along the CPEC route due to its important geographic­al position, close to the Iranian border and only 400 kilometers from the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s key oil shipping route which accounts for more than 30% of the world’s seaborne oil exports. Gwadar will provide a crucial link between the Belt and Road projects. As CPEC starts to take shape on the ground, the cost of petroleum transporta­tion from the Middle East to China will be dramatical­ly reduced by about 85% through the land route of Gwadarkash­gar instead of the maritime corridor through the Malacca Strait. In addition, better connectivi­ty and easier sea access will favor the developmen­t of the western provinces of China like Xinjiang, Qinghai and Tibet. As China’s largest trading partners include EU, US, ASEAN, Hong Kong, and Japan,6 China can also find an easier and shorter access to the majority of partners through CPEC, which will link China with nearly half of the population in the world.

Second, CPEC will provide new impetus to help Pakistan achieve sustainabl­e developmen­t. The package of projects contained in CPEC offers an exceptiona­l opportunit­y for Pakistan to tackle some of the main barriers hindering its economic developmen­t such as energy bottleneck­s, poor connectivi­ty and limited attraction for foreign investors. A large amount of CPEC’S investment will be allocated to energy and transporta­tion

6 “2015 Developmen­t Situation of China’s Foreign Trade,” http://zhs.mofcom.gov.cn/article/nocategory/ 201605/2016050131­4688.shtml.

projects which aim to improve energy system capacity and connectivi­ty. The shortage of energy has cost Pakistan’s economy 2% to 2.5% of GDP annually, and only in the early harvest phases (2017-18), CPEC projects are expected to add 10,400MW to the Pakistan energy system.7 Under the CPEC framework, both China and Pakistan have identified 16 prioritize­d projects as well as 8 actively promoted projects. Constructi­on is under way for projects such as Zonergy 300MW solar park, Dawood 50MW wind farm, Sachal 50MW wind farm, and the Port Qasim 2×660MW coal-fired power plant, etc.8 These projects would help Pakistan out of the energy crisis and lay a good foundation for national industrial­ization. Furthermor­e, up to 36% of CPEC’S funding will be devoted to infrastruc­ture, transport and communicat­ion due to the poor performanc­e of the transport sector, which has cost the Pakistani economy 4% to 6% of GDP every year.9 The improvemen­t in transporta­tion infrastruc­ture will be of great benefit both for a greater integratio­n of the domestic market and for reaping regional advantages. In addition to sharing the growth dividend of China’s economic developmen­t, the projects under CPEC will enable Pakistan to increase employment, alleviate poverty and improve the socioecono­mic outlook and indicators such as education, health and basic amenities as well as contribute to improving security through developmen­t dividends. So far, more than 10,000 jobs have been created to local people directly. Chinese companies provide vocational training to Pakistani employees and sponsor their training in China.10 Local schools and hospitals have been integrated into surroundin­g facilities of many of these projects.

Third, Chinese and Pakistani economies are highly complement­ary with huge potential for further mutually beneficial cooperatio­n. On the strategic level, China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Pakistan’s Vision

2025 are well matched and CPEC shares the same goal with Vision 2025, which is improving the sustainabi­lity and vitality of Pakistan’s economic growth and promoting the livelihood of Pakistani people. Pakistan also sees CPEC as a historic opportunit­y which could bring Pakistan into global economic mainstream as well as involve Pakistan in regional economic integratio­n. Vision 2025 focuses on exploring Pakistan’s advantage of its unique geographic location and diverse workforce. Pakistan is located at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East and is thus the gateway to the regional market. Pakistan has a huge population of around 196 million, with a large percentage below the age of 25. Pakistan also has a large pool of trained and experience­d engineers, bankers and lawyers. Prosperous IT engineers make Pakistan the third largest programmer supplier in the world,

which will be a potential field of cooperatio­n within the framework of CPEC.

In terms of their respective stages of economic developmen­t, China and Pakistan smoothly complement one another. China is upgrading its industrial structure and optimizing the constructi­on of key projects, while Pakistan is eager to develop the manufactur­ing industry and speed up its infrastruc­ture constructi­on. China has advantages in experience, technology, financing and industrial capacity while Pakistan enjoys favorable conditions in resources, labor force and market. By carrying out industrial cooperatio­n, both sides will achieve mutual complement­arity and win-win results. As agricultur­e is still the pillar industry of Pakistan and China has advanced experience and technology as a big agricultur­al country, the two countries can jointly reduce poverty and ensure food security.

The huge potential and bright prosperity of the integratio­n between Chinese and Pakistani economies will be fully unleashed and will flourish with the implementa­tion of CPEC. The current situation of such cooperatio­n has not met the demands of economic developmen­t of both countries. Until the 1990s, the bilateral trade volume was stuck at $1 billion. With China-pakistan FTA, signed in 2006 and coming into effect in 2007, along with other mutually strategic measures and stimulus packages, the bilateral trade has increased significan­tly from $8.7 billion in 2010 to $16 billion in 2015. And Chinese FDI stock in Pakistan soared to $3.74 billion in 2014.11 According to Chinese statistics, for the first three quarters of 2016, bilateral trade volume between China and Pakistan has exceeded $14 billion. The value of newly signed project contracts by Chinese companies in Pakistan amounted to $7.1 billion.12 Some internatio­nal organizati­ons and agencies like the IMF and the World Bank commended CPEC as an important engine for the economic growth of Pakistan.

Therefore, the “1+4” cooperatio­n format of CPEC with the priority areas of developing and making operationa­l the Gwadar port, building

11 Foreign Investment and Cooperatio­n Guidelines (Pakistan 2015), Chinese Academy of Internatio­nal Trade and Economic Cooperatio­n, December 2015, p.24.

12 “Remarks by Chinese Ambassador H.E. Sun Weidong at the Round Table Session on CPEC.”

infrastruc­ture, creating energy and trade corridors, and enhancing Chinese investment in Pakistan through constructi­on of industrial parks and special economic zones, meets the demands of deepening and expanding Chinapakis­tan all-round cooperatio­n, and plays a greater role in leading and promoting substantiv­e cooperatio­n between the two countries.

New Challenges Follow Opportunit­ies

CPEC is admittedly a mega-plan and a new endeavor for which neither China nor Pakistan have practical experience. The two countries must share the opportunit­ies of developmen­t while tackling challenges together. Apart from the security threat, the lack of experience in integratin­g these two countries, as well as the resistance and competitio­n from external powers regarding this economic endeavor have to be taken into considerat­ion.

Lack of experience in economic integratio­n

For Pakistan, the conflict of interest among different regions has caused controvers­y due to imbalance in the country’s developmen­t. CPEC would be a catalyst of economic change in the country, and each province of the country hopes to be the first beneficiar­y and enjoy the priority of CPEC. A considerab­le number of parliament­arians hailing from Khyber Pakhtunkhw­a (KPK) and Balochista­n in April 2015 had taken the federal government to task for ignoring their concerns regarding the CPEC routes. They have demanded that the route must go through Balochista­n and KPK so that the smaller provinces, neglected areas and backward communitie­s could gain the benefits from CPEC.13 The threat posed by the dispute with the Pakistani government in the province of Balochista­n where Gwadar is located is a major stumbling block that must be addressed in order for CPEC to move forward. The projects in Balochista­n should boost the provincial economy to address the grievances of the Baloch about

13 “CPEC Route Controvers­y,” Dailytimes, http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/24-apr-2015/cpecroute-controvers­y.

being exploited and economical­ly deprived of their due share of revenue by the central government. This in turn would drasticall­y reduce the support of extremist groups by the locals. The constructi­on of CPEC will provide a window of opportunit­y for a peacefully negotiated settlement of the insurgency. A number of local Baloch mid-level leaders and insurgents have laid down their arms. The Baloch National Party and the Baloch Republican Party have indicated their willingnes­s to come to the negotiatin­g table. However, much work remains to be done in order to involve all powers of Balochista­n in the CPEC constructi­on.

The location of Special Economic Zones (SEZ), which are under considerat­ion during the latest meeting of the Joint Cooperatio­n Committee on CPEC, would be another issue that could fuel suspicion within different provinces because of the obvious role the SEZ would play in increasing economic activity and reducing unemployme­nt. Moreover, the transparen­cy of funding and environmen­tal protection of some projects can also easily arouse disputes or be used by irresponsi­ble media or NGOS to mislead the public. Actually, the controvers­y regarding CPEC within Pakistan reflects the lack of a consensus about the function of CPEC for Pakistan: What kind role would CPEC play in reviving Pakistan’s economy? Should it work as a leverage to bridge the gap between the developed and backward regions of Pakistan? Or should it be the engine of economic take-off led by some developed regions? That would be a choice of the path of national developmen­t that can only be made by the Pakistani people.

For China, new and formidable tasks have to be accomplish­ed in order that the constructi­on of CPEC run smoothly and productive­ly. With the implementa­tion of CPEC, massive Chinese investment­s and enterprise­s will go into Pakistan. Many of CPEC’S key projects are currently carried out by state-owned enterprise­s of China. But companies from the private sector are also badly needed to meet the demands of integrated markets in order to invigorate Pakistan’s economy. Fortunatel­y, many private companies with strong performanc­e and good credit have shown interest in doing business in Pakistan under the auspices of the Chinese

government. Another problem is to balance short-term return and long-term benefits for Chinese investment. Many projects, especially in energy and transporta­tion sectors, must be heavily invested in but without being able to reap benefits in the short term. Therefore, the companies should take this into full considerat­ion and start their business only after thorough research and examinatio­n of the domestic situation and the business environmen­t of Pakistan. Furthermor­e, with years of experience in the overseas markets, the relocated production capacity at this stage should be of high quality. The business should integrate constructi­on with services and trade, bring jobs and vocational training to the local community and pay attention to environmen­tal issues.14 Experience in hiring local people, providing vocational training, protecting environmen­t and constructi­ng livelihood projects obtained from previous cooperativ­e projects should be improved in Pakistan. At the same time, most Pakistani people have too high expectatio­ns for CPEC and the prospect of rapidly accruing benefits from the project constructi­on. Therefore, meeting the expectatio­ns of the Pakistani people and effectivel­y managing the enterprise­s’ operations in Pakistan will be challenges accompanyi­ng the process of developing CPEC.

Competitio­n and resistance from external powers

India has not accepted CPEC and is carrying out countermea­sures to exclude Pakistan from the process of regional economic integratio­n. India is the largest economy in South Asia and has a significan­t impact on regional peace and stability. There have been concerns in India about CPEC, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has criticized the project as “unacceptab­le” during his visit to Beijing in June 2015. “India’s fears stem from the fact that CPEC will pass through Pakistan-administer­ed Kashmir and could be used for military purposes in the future.”15 “This geographic­al

reality of CPEC could potentiall­y impinge upon India’s geopolitic­al calculatio­ns and pose a strategic challenge.”16 Due to the hostility between India and Pakistan, India expects to remain in a more favorable situation in South Asia and does not wish to see Pakistan realizing any economic takeoff. India also worries about the increasing influence of China in the region politicall­y and economical­ly and will deter China from expanding military presence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean. Therefore, India has taken measures to counter the potential impact of CPEC on the region. First, India drew on Iran and Afghanista­n to upgrade the constructi­on of the Chabahar port which leads to competitio­n with Gwadar. In August 2016, India signed a bilateral deal with Tehran and committed to spending about $500 million to develop the Chabahar port as a regional trade hub, which will allow it to open up an alternativ­e land-sea route for trade with Afghanista­n, and then with Central Asian and Middle Eastern countries. Second, India has utilized the “Balochista­n gamble” to undercut stability in Pakistan and used the Kashmir issue as a hedge in that endeavor. Modi brought up Pakistani atrocities toward the people of Balochista­n in his third Independen­ce Day speech, which is the first time this area has been mentioned by any Indian Prime Minister during an Independen­ce Day speech. It proved Pakistan’s contention that India has been “fomenting terrorism” in the province of Balochista­n according to Pakistan’s analysis.17 Third, India tried to isolate Pakistan from India’s sub-regional integratio­n. India has pushed forward the “SAARC-1” policy, which is to advance the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperatio­n (BIMSTEC) as well as the Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal Initiative (BBIN) along the east border of Pakistan. Meanwhile, India is building the South-north Strategic Channel with the hub of Chabahar port on the west border of Pakistan. All the projects in India’s regional economic cooperatio­n and connectivi­ty

exclude Pakistan.

Actually, India would gain obvious economic advantages if it could abandon the mindset of a zero-sum game and support CPEC. India’s demand for energy can be largely satisfied through the facilities of CPEC, and its reach to Central Asian and Middle Eastern markets would become easier and less costly. Moreover, India’s western connection to Iran and other countries would run more smoothly with connection­s through Pakistan. More importantl­y, the promotion of economic interdepen­dence between India and Pakistan might bring the two rival countries toward negotiatio­n while regional cooperatio­n in South Asia would also be improved.

The United States also has its own plan regarding this region’s integratio­n and is still highly suspicious of the success of CPEC. The US officially launched the New Silk Road initiative in 2011, which intends to use Afghanista­n as the basis for building an economic and transporta­tion network connecting Central Asia with the South Asian subcontine­nt. However, the US was not ready to make a heavy investment on the plan due to the instabilit­y and remoteness of this region. It is interestin­g that China and Russia are excluded from this initiative. Although Washington has reason to welcome the economic dimension of CPEC to help promote Pakistan and even Afghanista­n’s stability and security, the strategic rationale of CPEC and Beijing’s growing strategic weight in the pivotal region of Southwest Asia and the Gulf has generated considerab­le political concern in Washington.18 The US media is accustomed to portraying Pakistan as a failed state and hardly ever looks at the country beyond the security lens. The US is more skeptical of the success of CPEC since Washington even tried to help develop Pakistan’s economy through expanding civil assistance by the Pakistan Enduring Assistance and Cooperatio­n Enhancemen­t Act of 200919 but failed. Daniel Markey, senior research professor at Johns Hopkins University’s

School of Advanced Internatio­nal Studies, said that the worst scenario for CPEC would be to pull China deeper into Pakistan’s domestic politics, and create greater turbulence in the triangular relationsh­ip Delhi-islamabadb­eijing.20

In addition, other regional powers like Afghanista­n, Iran and Bangladesh have different concerns about CPEC. For Afghanista­n, CPEC will integrate it with other regions and allow it to enhance its commercial activities with the Indian Ocean, and bring together the western and eastern alignments of the corridor through improved connectivi­ty between Afghanista­n and Pakistan. However, due to deteriorat­ing relations between Afghanista­n and Pakistan, bilateral cooperatio­n under CPEC is not proceeding well. Although Iran initially worried about the competitio­n from CPEC, particular­ly the Gwadar port which will become a threat to its Chabahar port which Teheran heavily relies on for the conduct of trade, it has now shown interest in CPEC. In May 2016 at the Institute of Strategic Studies in Islamabad, the Iranian ambassador to Pakistan said that the Chabahar port would not turn out to be an enemy port to Gwadar but would serve as a “friend” port.21 Iran realizes that Pakistan can become the transit point within the interconne­ction of CPEC, and therefore Iranian mega-oil and gas resources would have a more convenient route for reaching China and other places in the region. For Bangladesh, which has similar advantages of rich labor resources and a textile industry as Pakistan, the competitio­n between these two South Asian developing countries may be inevitable in absorbing relocated capacity, attracting foreign investment and promoting market share. Over the past several years, 40% of Pakistan’s textile plants have been transferre­d to Bangladesh and one of the major reasons is the rising costs caused by Pakistan’s energy crisis.22

Conclusion

China stands ready to work with Pakistan through joint efforts to push forward the constructi­on of CPEC, which will drive the common developmen­t and prosperity of the whole region by overcoming various difficulti­es. Both countries believe that CPEC can benefit all of the provinces and the entire population of Pakistan and are anxiously waiting to see the dramatic changes that CPEC brings to the two countries and the region. Alongside CPEC’S early harvests, especially in Gwadar, social welfare institutio­ns like primary schools, vocational training centers and hospitals are being set up with Chinese government’s grants to deliver the benefits of CPEC immediatel­y to local people. CPEC should not be understood as one road or one route, it is actually a comprehens­ive cooperatio­n framework of “one corridor, multiple passages” and stepby-step implementa­tion,23 which covers a wide range of different sectors including roads, railways, telecommun­ications, and people-to-people exchanges, etc. China believes the Pakistani people, through deliberati­ons and consultati­ons, can achieve a nationwide consensus on supporting and implementi­ng CPEC.

China and Pakistan, as all-weather strategic cooperativ­e partners, have complete confidence in pushing forward CPEC in spite of challenges or suspicions. CPEC can be a window of opportunit­y to strengthen the regional economy and increase the mutual reliance of the countries through providing a high quality of common goods. Fundamenta­lly, the consistent interests of CPEC for China, Pakistan and the region are promoting the economic developmen­t and improving people’s livelihood, and as a result, it will be accepted and supported by all the people and countries in the region.

 ??  ?? The Gwadar port of Pakistan, as a flagship project of CPEC, will connect the vast area of South and Central Asia with the Indian Ocean region, particular­ly the Middle East and Southeast Asia, providing a crucial link between the Belt and Road projects.
The Gwadar port of Pakistan, as a flagship project of CPEC, will connect the vast area of South and Central Asia with the Indian Ocean region, particular­ly the Middle East and Southeast Asia, providing a crucial link between the Belt and Road projects.

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