China International Studies (English)

Globalizat­ion in Reverse and Its Transforma­tion

- Xu Jian

The current severe backlash against globalizat­ion is the result of its unfairness and the uneven developmen­t in the globalizat­ion process. This has led to increasing resistance to globalizat­ion, but it can be turned into impetus for globalizat­ion’s transforma­tion and sustainabl­e developmen­t.

The current globalizat­ion process has presented two distinct features: one is the increasing­ly severe backlash against globalizat­ion; the other is the urgent and imperative need for its transforma­tion. These two trends are closely connected. It is essential to analyze the underlying causes of these two trends, understand how they affect each other, grasp the current situation, and guide the future developmen­t of globalizat­ion.

Problems Arising from Globalizat­ion

The trend of globalizat­ion in reverse is a hot issue in the current internatio­nal landscape and it has been especially prominent in Western developed countries. Brexit, Donald Trump’s election as President of the United States, and the tremendous impact of far right forces on the political ecology of France, Germany, Italy and other major European countries, have reflected the rampant backlash against globalizat­ion in Western countries from different angles. In some developing countries, protection­ism and nationalis­m have also emerged to varying degrees in recent years, which shows the trends of reverse globalizat­ion, anti-globalizat­ion and deglobaliz­ation are not limited to the developed world, but a worldwide phenomenon with varying forms and momentum in different countries and regions.

Xu Jian is Vice President and Senior Research Fellow of China Institute of Internatio­nal Studies (CIIS). He is also Director of the CIIS Academic Council.

Although it is an indisputab­le fact that there is a backlash against globalizat­ion across the world, opinions, controvers­ial at home and abroad, vary on how to view the trend and evaluate its impact on the developmen­t of globalizat­ion. Proponents and opponents of globalizat­ion have divergent views on the above-mentioned issues. The former are optimistic about the prospects of globalizat­ion, take the tide of reverse globalizat­ion as a counter current to the trend of historical developmen­t and condemn it, while the latter emphasize the harm of globalizat­ion to countries and are pessimisti­c about its prospects. Both opposing views have a point, but they also carry some bias caused by excessive emotion. In this case, it is particular­ly important to understand the relevant problems of globalizat­ion with an objective and rational attitude.

There are deficienci­es in both optimistic and pessimisti­c argumentat­ion about whether the reversing trend will lead to the stagnation of globalizat­ion. The pessimists argue that as the uneven developmen­t of globalizat­ion brings more and more problems to some countries, globalizat­ion cannot be sustained any longer, and that deglobaliz­ation is the inevitable choice for relevant countries to protect themselves. This view is confronted with double problems in terms of theory and policy. On the one hand, there is no convincing evidence that the plight of relevant countries in economic and social developmen­t has its root in the negative effects of globalizat­ion; on the other hand, it cannot prove that against the backdrop of today’s highly interdepen­dent world, deglobaliz­ation and protection­ism can make countries concerned immune from the harm of their own isolation. Unable to justify itself, globalizat­ion in reverse has not only been harshly criticized by the optimists of globalizat­ion, but also provided a powerful argument for the latter’s support for globalizat­ion.

The optimists generally hold that the interdepen­dent relationsh­ips in the world resulting from globalizat­ion is a reality that no country can get rid

It is particular­ly important to understand the relevant problems of globalizat­ion with an objective and rational attitude.

of or surpass, that globalizat­ion is the inexorable trend of economic, social and cultural exchanges in the world, and that the trend of globalizat­ion heading forward cannot be reversed. The optimistic view is certainly correct when put in the long cycle of human history, but it is not invulnerab­le if we look at the process of globalizat­ion in different developmen­t stages, as it ignores or belittles the twists and turns of the course of globalizat­ion. Some important indicators of globalizat­ion in recent years show that the process of globalizat­ion is becoming more and more tortuous. The World Trade Organizati­on estimated that the volume of global trade in goods and services grew by only 1.7 percent in 2016, lower than the growth rate of the world economy for five consecutiv­e years. One of the key reasons is that the worldwide protection­ism exerts more influence than expected. From November 2008 to October 2016, protection­ist measures adopted by members of the G20 reached a record 5560, with 401 new protection­ist measures implemente­d in the latest year, according to the Global Trade Alert report released by the Centre for Economic Policy Research in the UK.1 If coupled with protection­ist measures implemente­d in the same period by developing countries, the relevant data will undoubtedl­y become more nerve-racking. The worldwide trade protection­ism is an important factor in the sluggish recovery of the world economy and the tardy growth of internatio­nal trade. These data suggest that the backlash against globalizat­ion carries great weight on the process of globalizat­ion and has slowed its pace to a large extent. If the tide of globalizat­ion in reverse further intensifie­s, it will hit globalizat­ion even harder.

The cause of reverse globalizat­ion is also a question that needs rational thinking. One popular view in support of globalizat­ion is that reverse globalizat­ion harms others without benefiting oneself. The Great Depression

Some important indicators of globalizat­ion in recent years show that the process of globalizat­ion is becoming more and more tortuous.

in the 1930s has taught us a painful historical lesson in this respect, that is, the implementa­tion of beggar-thy-neighbor protection­ist policies hurt others and led to the harm of self-isolation, so it is infeasible and cannot prevent the advance of globalizat­ion. This argument makes sense in theory, but in practice whether it’s tenable hinges upon two premises. One is that all parties can rationally learn the historical lessons. The paradox of historical developmen­t, however, is that many things that seem counterint­uitive and should not have happened eventually happened, and in a repeated way. The most typical example is nations’ recourse to force for resources and economic interests. Many wars have turned out to be as harmful to others as to themselves with the loss outweighin­g the gain, but it is still difficult for human beings to avoid the same tragedies. Similar problem manifests itself in the frequent violence between people in every society. Since human beings cannot eradicate irrational behavior, what seems to be something that should not have happened does not mean it will not happen. The same applies to how far reverse globalizat­ion can go, and whether it will block the developmen­t of globalizat­ion. Second, the two sides must go beyond mutual accusation and form minimum consensus, based on mutual understand­ing, on issues in dispute at the very least to avoid irrational behavior. Under the current situation, the two opposing views on globalizat­ion have more mutual accusation than mutual understand­ing, which tends to magnify difference­s without helping reach more consensus and increase the probabilit­y of irrational behavior of both sides. In this context, while there is only a faint possibilit­y of overall suspension or retrogress­ion of globalizat­ion, the risk of globalizat­ion further slowing down or being distorted is on the rise. To avoid the latter trend, both sides should think in each other’s shoes and look at each other’s concerns and issues in a more rational way. And the side in support of globalizat­ion should, in particular, face up to the problems reflected in reverse globalizat­ion. As Chinese President Xi Jinping said, “Problems are not to be feared. What

The risk of globalizat­ion further slowing down or being distorted is on the rise.

should concern us is refusing to face up to problems and not knowing what to do about them.”2

Globalizat­ion in reverse and global trade protection­ism are not accidental phenomena; there is a deep background for their rise and they are closely related to some problems of globalizat­ion, the most prominent of which is the inequality of social distributi­on and the uneven developmen­t among nations. Unequal social distributi­on is a weakness inherent in market economy, but economic globalizat­ion further exacerbate­s the problem. In market economy, the profit of different economic factors varies significan­tly, among which the difference between capital and other factors of production

is most outstandin­g. The findings of French economist Thomas Piketty in this regard deserve special attention. Piketty believes that if the return on capital is much higher than the economic growth rate over a relatively long period, the risk of wealth distributi­on differenti­ation will become considerab­le. The main reason that Piketty’s research findings cause huge response in the West is that he has found, after studying the long-term economic developmen­t data of some 20 major Western and emerging economies, the Kuznets curve, which has been regarded by Western economists as a golden rule in recent decades, fails to hold. The difference in wealth distributi­on does not, as the Kuznets curve claims, tend to shrink spontaneou­sly and go along the path of “balanced growth” after economic developmen­t reaches a certain stage. Instead it is quite the opposite. “Income inequality has increased markedly in developed countries since the 1970s, especially in the United States, and the concentrat­ion of wealth in the first decade of the 21st century has returned to (actually even slightly exceeded) the level of the 1910s.”3 This result not only provides a new theoretica­l explanatio­n for the increasing­ly severe social differenti­ation of Western countries, especially the United States, after the financial crisis in 2008, but also has important significan­ce for analyzing the current problems of globalizat­ion. Globalizat­ion offers greater profit margins for capital, particular­ly the big capital of multinatio­nals, as the advantage of capital in liquidity has been further strengthen­ed compared to labor, and capital owners are able to make greater use of the benefits of globalized markets than owners of other factors, widening the gap between return on capital and the economic growth rate. This is why the people against globalizat­ion in the West mainly come from the middle and lower income social groups with the so-called “populist” feature. Globalizat­ion has made social justice a more daunting task, which is a universal problem

Globalizat­ion has made social justice a more daunting task, which is a universal problem around the world.

around the world. “The richest one percent of the world’s population own more wealth than the remaining 99 percent. Inequality in income distributi­on and uneven developmen­t space are worrying,” President Xi said in a keynote speech at the World Economic Forum. Therefore, “we should also recognize that economic globalizat­ion is a double-edged sword. When the global economy is under downward pressure… the relations between growth and distributi­on, between capital and labor, and between efficiency and equity will be strained even further. Both developed and developing countries will feel the punch.”4

The problem of uneven developmen­t among countries that arises from the process of globalizat­ion is equally profound and complex, which has two manifestat­ions: the North-south problem and the East-west problem. For the North-south problem, globalizat­ion has not only spawned a group of emerging economies that contribute to the collective rising of developing countries, but also marginaliz­ed a number of others. Such countries not only have limited benefits from globalizat­ion, but are also facing increasing risks and pressures. As a result, the gap between them on one hand and the developed and even emerging countries on the other is widening further. This situation has exacerbate­d the political and social ecology within these countries and is also one of the key factors in some continued regional conflicts and unrest. There are complicate­d reasons for the marginaliz­ation of some countries in globalizat­ion, both domestical­ly and internatio­nally. On the internatio­nal front, the biased rules of globalizat­ion have forged an internatio­nal competitiv­e environmen­t that is detrimenta­l to the well-being of these countries. Until recently, globalizat­ion has been dominated by developed countries, and relevant rules have accommodat­ed their interests. This situation has improved considerab­ly since the beginning of the 21st century, with the efforts of developing countries, but there are still many unjust factors in the internatio­nal order, and the North-south contradict­ion remains a prominent problem in the developmen­t of globalizat­ion. 4 Xi Jinping, “Jointly Shoulder Responsibi­lity of Our Times, Promote Global Growth: Keynote Speech at the Opening Session of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2017.”

The East-west imbalance mainly manifests itself between emerging and developed economies. In the past two decades, the so-called “rising East and declining West” has become a major trend affecting the internatio­nal balance of power and the changes in the world landscape. The inexorable rise of a large number of developing countries over the past twenty or thirty years, especially major emerging countries, has changed the dominance of Western developed countries in the internatio­nal balance of power. The world architectu­re is undergoing unpreceden­ted changes in centuries that strongly boosts the developmen­t of multi-polarizati­on. The uneven developmen­t has important positive effects on the progress of human society. However, as the world economy is under downward pressure, such a trend has also worsened the contradict­ion between developed and emerging countries on the internatio­nal order. Particular­ly after the internatio­nal financial crisis, Western developed countries, including the United States and European countries, have been confronted with many developmen­t dilemmas, and the contradict­ions between developed and emerging countries have also become more prominent.

The trend of “rising East and declining West” is mainly related to three kinds of factors. One comes from developed countries themselves. Although developed countries have long occupied a relatively advantageo­us position in the making of internatio­nal rules, their comparativ­e advantages are fading because their industrial structure, economic and social policies as well as demographi­c formation cannot adapt to the new situation of internatio­nal competitiv­e environmen­t. The second is that the change of domestic and internatio­nal environmen­t in the past twenty or thirty years is beneficial to the increase of internatio­nal competitiv­eness of developing countries. Since the 1980s, an increasing number of developing countries have been involved in the establishm­ent of internatio­nal rules (such as GATT and later WTO). Their ability to influence the evolution of internatio­nal rules has gradually strengthen­ed, and the factors favoring them in the internatio­nal order tend to multiply. The adjustment of internatio­nal rules and internatio­nal distributi­on of interests tends to benefit developing countries, so the

ebb and flow of internatio­nal power is more conducive to the emerging economies. The third is about the effectiven­ess of different countries in implementi­ng internatio­nal rules and their willingnes­s to evade them. The effect of implementi­ng any rules bears on respective national conditions and varies across the border. Comparativ­ely speaking, since developed countries have relatively sound legal environmen­t, regulated management, high overall national quality and strong awareness of abiding by rules and laws, the implementa­tion of some rules, such as intellectu­al property right protection, will usually be more stringent with lower cost than that in developing countries. On the contrary, the legal environmen­t needs to improve and the overall national quality is not high enough in many developing and emerging countries. In addition, some countries have traditions in which the rule of man overrides the rule of law; people tend to be arbitrary in their behavior with weak legal consciousn­ess, and they treat the law with more contempt than awe, more flexibilit­y and avoidance than conscious compliance. Therefore the implementa­tion of the rules has limited effects and come with quite high cost. In some cases there even appear the disordered phenomena that a law cannot be enforced when it is breached by the majority and the law is considered a mere formality. Developed countries’ accusation against the emerging countries of free-riding reflects their intention to justify their own problems, but also has bearing on the difficulti­es of developing countries in enforcing the rules. It is needless to say that fair play depends not only on the fairness of the rules themselves, but also on whether the fair rules are observed as well as on the effect of the implementa­tion. As the economic volume of emerging countries grows, the difference in effects of implementi­ng the rules have been increasing­ly relevant to the internatio­nal competitio­n and the order of globalizat­ion.

Among the above three main kinds of factors that affect the internatio­nal competitiv­e environmen­t, the first two reflect a reasonable trend of the adjustment of globalizat­ion order. Their impact on the process

Developed countries accuse the emerging countries of freeriding.

of globalizat­ion is positive on the whole, and the challenges and problems brought to the developed countries should be addressed and adapted to by themselves through reforms. However, the third kind of factors distorts the globalizat­ion environmen­t. If left unchecked, it will lead to disordered and deformed developmen­t of globalizat­ion. They should be gradually eradicated, and developing countries, especially the emerging countries, have to shoulder more responsibi­lity of reducing the impact of such factors. It can be seen that many contradict­ions arising from the current globalizat­ion are economic problems on the surface, but deep down they are social and cultural issues. The economic globalizat­ion is also a process in which different cultures collide with and accommodat­e each other.

To conclude, the current reverse of globalizat­ion is the result of various kinds of problems regarding justice and uneven developmen­t in the process of globalizat­ion. The reasons for these problems are complicate­d, involving almost all participan­ts in globalizat­ion. The resolution of these problems is not a unilateral responsibi­lity of a particular category of countries, but a common obligation of all participan­ts in globalizat­ion.

Globalizat­ion in Reverse Reflects the Developmen­t Law

Both the optimistic and pessimisti­c views have a point in terms of the impact of globalizat­ion in reverse and the prospect of globalizat­ion. From the perspectiv­e of the long-term developmen­t of human history, the optimistic view is correct, because with the developmen­t of human interactio­ns and science and technology, the interdepen­dence of the world is a major trend of history. However, looking at each specific period of globalizat­ion, the view of pessimism is also reasonable, because the developmen­t of human history has always been advancing in a spiral way, filled with twists and turns, and often with staged stagnation or even regression. To examine the impact of reverse on globalizat­ion, we should note the difference between these two views, otherwise it is easy to confuse the two kinds of concepts. At the moment, the focus of controvers­y is not the long-term trend of social history, but the

developmen­t of the current globalizat­ion process.

Over the evolution history of globalizat­ion, reversibil­ity has been one of its inherent attributes. Going through a period of sustained and stable developmen­t in the 19th century, globalizat­ion had reached a very high level before WWI. Global trade was still at a relatively low level at the beginning of the 19th century, but grew at an average annual rate of 2.3 percent between 1820 and 1850. This rate rose to 5 percent between 1850 and 1870. Throughout the 19th century, global trade had been growing faster than the world income. For Western countries in general, exports had accounted for 10 percent of GDP by 1880 compared to just 5 percent in the mid-19th century. The main reason for the growth was that the industrial revolution drove down trade protection and the cost of transporta­tion, which greatly stimulated the expansion of trade.5 From the late 19th century to WWI, the industrial­ization further promoted the internatio­nal trade. The steam power was widely applied to railway and shipping, which greatly improved the conditions of internatio­nal transporta­tion; overseas investment and the spread of technology facilitate­d the industrial­ization process in other countries outside the United Kingdom and the competitio­n in internatio­nal market; the demand for raw materials also skyrockete­d due to industrial­ization. By 1913, 155 countries and regions had participat­ed in internatio­nal trade; the figure in the early 19th century was less than its half.6 The gold standard system establishe­d in the 1870s ensured the stability of the internatio­nal payment system. The world trade volume grew at an average annual rate of about 3.5 percent between 1870 and 1914, while the world output grew by about 2.7 percent annually on average. Kuznets had once estimated that the value of world exports

The focus of controvers­y is not the long-term trend of social history, but the developmen­t of the current globalizat­ion process.

5 David Held, et al., Global Transforma­tions: Politics, Economics & Culture, translated by Yang Xuedong, et al., Social Sciences Academic Press, April 2001, p.217.

6 Ibid., pp.217-218.

would account for 16 to 17 percent of global income on the eve of WWI. It is worth mentioning that the significan­t increase in trade intensity during this period was not only reflected in developed countries, but also in many developing economies. For example, exports from Latin America rose sharply to 18 percent from nearly 10 percent of GDP between 1860 and 1900; the figure for Asian economies even jumped from about 1 percent to 5 percent; the growth of trade in African economies was in between. Although there was no such institutio­nalized internatio­nal trade system like today, the expanding trade had created the need to unify relevant standards and rules. With the concerted efforts of government­s and civil institutio­ns, common trade standards and practices were developed internatio­nally through a series of bilateral agreements.7 Even with the standards today, many of the indicators had reached a fairly high level in that round of globalizat­ion which lasted from the 19th century to the eve of WWI. It was precisely due to the ever-increasing interdepen­dence of the world, in particular among the major European countries, that many believed a war was unlikely to break out among the powers.

However, globalizat­ion failed to prevent the outbreak of WWI. Since the contradict­ions arising from uneven economic and political developmen­t in the world were not effectivel­y solved, globalizat­ion had shown signs of slowing down even before the war. Discrimina­tory trade protection­ism had resurfaced at the time, and the tariff rates in many countries in 1914 were higher than the 1878 level. After WWI, the rebuilding of a global trade system and the internatio­nal payment system were delayed. The gold standard regime that collapsed in WWI was replaced by mutually exclusive currency blocs, such as the pound sterling, the dollar and the mark. Globalizat­ion stalled and regressed. During the period of 1913-1929, the world trade grew at a rate of only 2.2 percent, roughly in line with the growth of output, but far below the level of the 19th century. After the Great Depression broke out in 1929, protection­ism swept the world; countries 7 David Held, et al., Global Transforma­tions: Politics, Economics & Culture, pp.218-220.

abandoned the principle of most-favored-nation treatment, set up barriers once again and pursued discrimina­tory beggar-thy-neighbor policies, leading to the sharp decline of global trade. The world trade growth fell to 0.4 percent annually between 1929 and 1937, and at the same period the world output also grew at a slow rate of 0.8 percent annually on average.8 It was not until the end of WWII that globalizat­ion rose again with the reconstruc­tion of the global trade system.

History has shown that globalizat­ion is a major historical trend; though it reflects the objective requiremen­ts of the world economic developmen­t since the industrial revolution and the inception of the global market, the gradual process of globalizat­ion is always rough and tortuous, and “reversibil­ity is an inherent attribute of globalizat­ion.”9 Why is globalizat­ion reversible? In essence, it lies in the fact that globalizat­ion has been flawed and imperfect so far, and inevitably there will be myriad imbalances in its developmen­t, which leads to contradict­ions and conflicts in the distributi­on of interests. If the contradict­ions are not resolved in time and accumulate­d to a certain level, they will erupt in various forms, hindering and damaging the globalizat­ion process. The current trend of reverse globalizat­ion reflects exactly the contradict­ions of this nature. The famous American futurologi­sts, Alvin and Heidi Toffler, pointed out 20 years ago that there were five myths about globalizat­ion that obscured and distorted our comprehens­ive understand­ing of globalizat­ion. These five myths are: globalizat­ion equals liberaliza­tion; globalizat­ion is inevitable; globalizat­ion will develop in a balanced way and create an “equal platform”; globalizat­ion will stifle nationalis­m; and globalizat­ion benefits (or harms) all.”10 These five so-called “myths” came mainly from the United States, which was playing a leading role in globalizat­ion and had a positive 8 David Held, et al., Global Transforma­tions: Politics, Economics & Culture, p.221.

9 Xu Xiujun, “Governance Deficit Worsens Distributi­onal Inequality.”

10 Alvin Toffler & Heidi Toffler, “The Pitfalls of the Myth of Globalizat­ion,” Yomiuri Shimbun, November 2, 1998, quoted from David Held, et al., Global Transforma­tions: Politics, Economics & Culture, p.25.

Reversibil­ity is an inherent attribute of globalizat­ion.

attitude towards it. What is intriguing, “economic globalizat­ion was once viewed as the treasure cave found by Ali Baba in The Arabian Nights, but now it has become the Pandora’ s Box in the eyes of many.”11 It is also ironic that as some of the “myths” of globalizat­ion, such as its irreversib­ility and the universali­ty of its benefits, fade away in the West, they become popular in some emerging countries. Currently emerging countries have, to a large extent, become the major force in supporting and safeguardi­ng globalizat­ion, and have spared no effort to emphasize its positive effects. As there remains uncertaint­y in how to deal with the problems arising from globalizat­ion, if we simply take a utilitaria­n approach to the globalizat­ion theory and hastily inherit the “myths” of globalizat­ion that have been dashed in Western countries, it will mislead the understand­ing and developmen­t of globalizat­ion.

The process of globalizat­ion is reversible because its developmen­t has so far been biased in one way or another. Due to these biases, globalizat­ion does not necessaril­y benefit every country. In fact, globalizat­ion in history has always in varying degrees been conducive to some countries while relatively unfavorabl­e and even detrimenta­l to some others. The debate at home and abroad about who is the biggest beneficiar­y of globalizat­ion indicates the imbalance of the benefits or risks that globalizat­ion brings to different countries. Since the 19th century, globalizat­ion has taken on different forms in different periods. The round of globalizat­ion before WWI occurred in the era of colonialis­m. It was a kind of predatory globalizat­ion which blazed the trail through gunboats.12 The globalizat­ion was dominated by Western powers, so developed economies were its main beneficiar­ies while the colonial and semi-colonial developing economies in Asia, Africa and Latin America were largely passive participan­ts under the coercion of their suzerains or other great powers and mainly served as sources of raw materials 11 Xi Jinping, “Jointly Shoulder Responsibi­lity of Our Times, Promote Global Growth: Keynote Speech at the Opening Session of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2017.”

12 Feng Weijiang, “Infusing New Impetus and Strengthen­ing Implementa­tion,” People’s Daily, April 14,

2017, p.23.

and markets of industrial products for industrial­ized countries. Even though some developing countries could benefit from globalizat­ion, the benefits were very limited compared to those of the great powers. At that time the risks and costs of developing economies participat­ing in globalizat­ion far outweighed the benefits.

From the end of WWII to the 1970s and 1980s, globalizat­ion was one that is dominated by the United States and benefits the rich. Although the post-war national independen­ce and liberation movements made the colonial system fall apart, there is no substantia­l change to the system of internatio­nal division of labor formed in the colonial era. The developing countries were mostly cautious and skeptical about participat­ing in globalizat­ion, and remained subordinat­e or marginaliz­ed in the globalizat­ion process. Countries in the socialist camp were excluded from Western markets because of the Cold War and the ideology. Therefore, prior to the 1980s, globalizat­ion was basically a game for the club of rich countries such as the US, European countries and later Japan. Developed countries had dominated the postwar internatio­nal trade until the 1990s. They accounted for 64 percent of world exports in 1950, 75 percent in 1970, and 70 percent in 1996.13 Except the oil exporters, the share of developing countries in world trade generally declined between the 1950s and the 1970s. It was not until the mid-1980s that these developing countries, largely under the influence of the rise of East Asian Tigers, began to expand their share. That is why the vast majority of developing countries on the periphery have more criticisms than praise for globalizat­ion.

Since the later period of the Cold War, with the participat­ion of more and more developing countries as well as the countries where the originally planned economic system was transition­ing to market economy, globalizat­ion has transforme­d again with increasing inclusiven­ess, openness and impartiali­ty. Especially since the beginning of the 21st century, the pro-rich feature of globalizat­ion has further weakened with more favorable 13 David Held et al., Global Transforma­tions: Politics, Economics & Culture, p.240.

factors for developing countries, the emerging countries in particular. It should be emphasized that the adjustment of attitudes towards globalizat­ion in developing countries and the transforma­tion of globalizat­ion are two mutually reinforcin­g processes. In the early days of the transition, China took a cautious approach to globalizat­ion, as President Xi said, “There was a time when China also had doubts about economic globalizat­ion, and was not sure whether it should join the World Trade Organizati­on.”14 At that time, the attitudes of China and many other developing countries towards globalizat­ion were similar in many ways to the current trend of reverse globalizat­ion in the West. Up to China’s accession to the WTO, there were still many Chinese that worried that globalizat­ion meant “Americaniz­ation.” Compared to that time, the attitudes of developed and developing countries towards globalizat­ion have switched. However, as mentioned earlier, the participat­ion of developing countries in globalizat­ion has injected new impetus to globalizat­ion and also created new contradict­ions and imbalances of globalizat­ion. After the internatio­nal financial crisis, these contradict­ions and problems further develop and form the current trend of reverse globalizat­ion.

The modern history of globalizat­ion has illustrate­d the following points. First of all, globalizat­ion comes in different forms in different periods of history, bringing uneven benefits and risks to different countries. To ignore the specific form of globalizat­ion and abstractly talk about and judge whether globalizat­ion is advantageo­us to every country is a pseudo propositio­n that deviates from the reality. It is not helpful and even misleading for solving the problems arising from globalizat­ion and guiding globalizat­ion in a healthy direction. Second, due to imbalanced distributi­on of benefits, the attitudes of different countries to globalizat­ion in the same period always differ, so do the attitudes of the same kind of countries to globalizat­ion in different periods.

The attitudes of developed and developing countries towards globalizat­ion have switched.

14 Xi Jinping, “Jointly Shoulder Responsibi­lity of Our Times, Promote Global Growth: Keynote Speech at the Opening Session of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2017.”

There have been criticism, questionin­g and even opposition to globalizat­ion all along, but in the past, they appeared mostly in developing countries, and now they are emerging in the developed world. Every movement of reverse globalizat­ion in history is the inevitable outcome of uneven developmen­t of globalizat­ion. The rational attitude towards this trend should be to think about the underlying reasons, rather than arbitraril­y label it as “populist” and criticize it. Last but not least, the globalizat­ion process with specific forms in different periods of history is not only reversible, but also possesses the potential of continued developmen­t through substantia­l reform. If the contradict­ions of a specific form of globalizat­ion remain unsolved and accumulate to a certain extent, they will lead to greater conflicts, resulting in slowdown, stagnation and even systemic collapse of globalizat­ion. On the contrary, if we can find an effective way to resolve the contradict­ions and bring about the transforma­tion of globalizat­ion, globalizat­ion can not only be sustained, but will also acquire greater space for developmen­t. It is safe to say that the above observatio­ns are the developmen­t law of globalizat­ion revealed by historical experience that are independen­t of human will.

Translatin­g Reverse Globalizat­ion into a Transforma­tive Force

The developmen­t law of globalizat­ion shows that there has been not much space for the sustainabl­e developmen­t of the current round of globalizat­ion, whose impetus is gradually diminishin­g. In order to regain the momentum and open up new developmen­t space, transforma­tion is inevitable and imperative. The necessity is explicit in both the positive and negative effects the reverse globalizat­ion has on the process of globalizat­ion.

On the one hand, the worldwide wave of reverse globalizat­ion has led to increasing resistance to globalizat­ion. The current process of globalizat­ion will become more and more unsustaina­ble without profound adjustment and reform. Global trade in goods and services has been below world economic growth for five consecutiv­e years, indicating a significan­t slowdown in the globalizat­ion process. Such slowdown even surpassed the one in 1913-1929.

Even more, Brexit, the Trump administra­tion’s withdrawal from the TPP and renegotiat­ion of NAFTA, and a series of protection­ist measures suggest that there has been partial systemic collapse in this round of globalizat­ion. While this may provide some potential opportunit­ies for major emerging countries such as China to strengthen their internatio­nal competitiv­eness, the impact and subsequent negative effects on the global economic and trade environmen­t are even greater. If the protection­ist trend were allowed to develop, the prospects of globalizat­ion would become bleaker as a result of the following risks.

First, the risk of slowdown and even stagnation of globalizat­ion is further heightened. Currently, the developed countries are witnessing the most robust movement of reverse globalizat­ion. Their economies, trade and market all account for more than half of the world total; they remain dominant in the field of internatio­nal finance; they are the main sources of scientific and technologi­cal innovation­s in the world; and they boast rich experience and the advantage of soft power in steering internatio­nal cooperatio­n; therefore, they play a decisive role in globalizat­ion. While the influence of emerging economies and developing countries on the world economy and globalizat­ion has increased dramatical­ly in recent years, it is unrealisti­c for them to replace developed countries completely. China’s Belt and Road and other initiative­s can offset a large part of the negative impact of reverse globalizat­ion, playing an important positive role in promoting the developmen­t of globalizat­ion. But if we equate globalizat­ion with the Belt and Road and think that the future of globalizat­ion can go without the participat­ion of developed economies and be solely underpinne­d by the Belt and Road, it will deviate from the reality and make China take on an unbearable burden.

Second, the risk of globalizat­ion heading towards distortion and fragmentat­ion is further increased. If the trend of reverse globalizat­ion cannot be gradually resolved, protection­ism is likely to evolve into various

The current process of globalizat­ion will become more and more unsustaina­ble without profound adjustment and reform.

forms of barriers around the world, forming exclusive regional groups and hence repeating the vicious competitio­n among internatio­nal interest groups which was staged between the two World Wars. In this context, even if the internatio­nal economic order can be free from overall collapse for a period of time, globalizat­ion will also be increasing­ly bent and distorted, resulting in more contradict­ions and problems.

Third, the uneven developmen­t of globalizat­ion causes the risk of great power conflicts to rise. For internatio­nal relations, the relations between major countries in particular, the problems of uneven developmen­t of globalizat­ion will not exist in isolation, but will be intertwine­d with the contradict­ions that have emerged in internatio­nal geopolitic­s. Once a vicious circle takes shape, the risk of conflicts between great powers will rise sharply. The internatio­nal interests of great powers are made up of complex factors, and an individual single factor is generally unlikely to drive major countries into confrontat­ion and conflict. Only when the developmen­t and security interests of major countries suffer systemic and structural contradict­ions, will the conflict between great powers erupt easily and frequently. Currently there are a series of structural contradict­ions in the security interests between some developed countries and major emerging countries, which are difficult to dissolve in a long period. If the contradict­ions in developmen­t interests are not reduced, it will only become more and more difficult for both sides to break the curse of the so-called “Thucydides trap.” The conflict between great powers will definitely sound the death knell for globalizat­ion.

On the other hand, the resistance to globalizat­ion brought about by the current backlash against globalizat­ion can also be turned into the impetus for the transforma­tion and further developmen­t of globalizat­ion, because “the surge of reverse globalizat­ion is another way to promote the developmen­t of globalizat­ion towards shared benefits and win-win outcomes.”15 The feature of shared benefits is an inherent attribute of globalizat­ion, but it has long been biased in the history of globalizat­ion, 15 Xu Xiujun, “Governance Deficit Worsens Distributi­onal Inequality.”

thus affecting the sustainabi­lity and reversibil­ity of globalizat­ion. It is positively correlated with the sustainabi­lity of globalizat­ion and negatively correlated with reversibil­ity. With more shared benefits, the sustainabi­lity is enhanced while the reversibil­ity is reduced, and vice versa. The current difficulti­es in the developmen­t of globalizat­ion are not caused by the total extinction of positive energy, but by the increase of resistance. Although there is no fundamenta­l change in the positive factors, the original impetus for globalizat­ion becomes much weaker. If the trend of rising resistance is not reversed, globalizat­ion will eventually stagnate or even regress due to insufficie­nt driving force. Therefore, we should take a threeprong­ed approach of reducing resistance, maintainin­g original momentum and adding new impetus to improve the sustainabi­lity of globalizat­ion in all respects. To adjust the interactio­n among these three kinds of forces, we need to change our minds and institutio­ns so as to transform the original form and forge a new type of globalizat­ion.

First, we need to update our perception­s. Globalizat­ion matters to world peace and developmen­t and it is an undertakin­g with a bearing on the fate of all humankind. With regard to the developmen­t of globalizat­ion, we should transcend the limitation of narrow nationalis­m and understand it with the idea of the community of shared future for mankind. In his remarks at the General Debate of the 70th session of the UN General Assembly, President Xi Jinping said: “‘The greatest ideal is to create a world truly shared by all.’ Peace, developmen­t, equity, justice, democracy and freedom are common values of all mankind and the lofty goals of the United Nations. Yet these goals are far from being achieved, and we must continue our endeavor to meet them.”16 To uphold and

The surge of reverse globalizat­ion is another way to promote the developmen­t of globalizat­ion towards shared benefits and win-win outcomes.

16 Xi Jinping, “Working Together to Forge a New Partnershi­p of Win-win Cooperatio­n and Create a Community of Shared Future for Mankind,” September 28, 2015, http://www.fmprc .gov.cn/mfa_eng/ wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/t1305051.shtml.

promote the universal values of all mankind, advance the community of shared future, and promote the common welfare of all people should be the guiding beliefs of shaping the new globalizat­ion. Globalizat­ion is the historical process participat­ed by all mankind, involving interactio­ns of all kinds of forces and coordinati­on of various kinds of complex interests. Without the guidance of right values, it is difficult to guarantee its transforma­tion in a healthy and smooth direction.

Second, we should strengthen shared benefits of globalizat­ion through adjustment of mechanisms and norms, curtailing and dissolving the resistance to globalizat­ion. First, we should continue to reduce the unjust and unreasonab­le factors against developing countries in the North-south relationsh­ip, especially giving more attention to and tilt towards the least developed countries on the margin of globalizat­ion. This has been a persistent weakness of globalizat­ion which hinders the promotion of human justice. In this regard, developed economies must shoulder the responsibi­lity and obligation that they cannot shirk from, and emerging economies should also assume more responsibi­lity commensura­te with their capabiliti­es. Second, to better balance the interests between the East and the West, the key is to resolve the contradict­ions in developmen­t interests between developed and emerging economies in recent years. This requires both sides to take the overall situation into account and think in each other’s shoes. Relatively speaking, emerging economies, which now possess an edge in developmen­t momentum, have much more flexibilit­y. Although the emerging economies still carry many attributes of developing countries, they have gained a certain degree of advantages in many aspects of internatio­nal competitio­n, able to play a more active role in resolving the contradict­ions of globalizat­ion. To this end, emerging economies need to shift their perception­s, and refrain from indiscrimi­nately criticizin­g the requests of the West on emerging

We should strengthen shared benefits of globalizat­ion through adjustment of mechanisms and norms, curtailing and dissolving the resistance to globalizat­ion.

 ??  ?? US President Donald Trump, who promised during the election campaign to scrap the Trans Pacific Partnershi­p (TPP), signs the executive order on withdrawal from the multilater­al trade arrangemen­t on January 23, 2017.
US President Donald Trump, who promised during the election campaign to scrap the Trans Pacific Partnershi­p (TPP), signs the executive order on withdrawal from the multilater­al trade arrangemen­t on January 23, 2017.

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