China International Studies (English)

The Great Historic Journey of Chinese Diplomacy

- Su Ge is President of China Institute of Internatio­nal Studies (CIIS). Su Ge

The establishm­ent of the People’s Republic of China was a remarkable event in the 20th century. It ended a century of backwardne­ss and humiliatio­n for the Chinese nation, and opened up a new era in Chinese history and changed the course of world history. As the People’s Republic of China has strived to continuall­y move forward, its internatio­nal status and influence have been constantly strengthen­ed, and it has become an important force for maintainin­g and promoting world peace and developmen­t. “Never forget why you started, and you can accomplish your mission.” This paper is aimed at reviewing the hardships of yesterday as evidenced by the magnificen­t history of New China’s diplomacy, so that we can be more aware of the responsibi­lity and mission of today and live up to the dream and pursuit of a better tomorrow.

Mao: Leading New China to Rise Victorious in the World

The source of diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China can be traced back to the Yan’an Period.

Origin of New China’s diplomacy

“Start of our diplomatic work.” At the moment of national crisis that China suffered due to Japanese invasion, the Wayaobao Meeting of the

Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held at the end of 1935 formulated the policy of establishi­ng a national united front of resistance against Japanese aggression. After the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941, the United States and China became wartime allies. While the Kuomintang (KMT) government clung to the policy of “stabilizin­g domestic situation before resisting all-out against foreign aggression,” the CPC Central Committee advocated a broad “Pacific united front against Japanese and fascist invasion.”

Pressured by the United States, who believed that the deteriorat­ion of KMT-CPC relations was not conducive to the war against Japan, Chiang Kai-shek accepted the US request of sending military observers to Yan’an to seek a solution to the conflict between the two parties. Between July and August 1944, the US Army Observatio­n Group “Dixie Mission” arrived in Yan’an in two batches. Chairman Mao Zedong finalized an editorial for the Jiefang Ribao (Liberation Daily), and added the word “Comrades” in the original title, making it “Welcome Our Comrades of the US Army Observatio­n Group.” On August 18 the same year, the CPC Central Committee issued the Instructio­ns on Diplomatic Work, which regarded the visit of the US observatio­n group as “the beginning of our internatio­nal united front and the start of our diplomatic work.”

Two important guidelines. During Patrick J. Hurley’s term as US ambassador to China from 1944 to 1945, the US policy of “supporting Chiang Kai-shek and opposing the CPC” gradually took shape. With the change in the internatio­nal situation after the war, the proposal of the Truman Doctrine in 1947 and the Marshall Plan in 1948, the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union emerged, and the US began to implement a “containmen­t” policy against communism.

After the decisive Liaoshen, Huaihai and Pingjin campaigns, China’s revolution­ary situation came to a historic turning point. Around the Second Plenary Session of the 7th CPC Central Committee in 1949, Mao Zedong analyzed the complex internatio­nal environmen­t facing China, and

combined the principle-oriented approach with flexibilit­y: as long as the imperialis­ts “do not change their attitude of hostility, we will not give the imperialis­t countries legitimate status in China;” at the same time, “China should also do business with capitalist countries.” In this regard, he proposed two important guidelines: “set up a separate kitchen” and “sweep the house clean before inviting guests.” “Set up a separate kitchen” means the People’s Republic of China would not recognize the old diplomatic ties between the Kuomintang government and other countries. Rather, the New China would “establish diplomatic relations on a new basis.” “Sweep the house clean before inviting guests” was proposed because “the imperialis­ts have always wanted to keep some of their privileges in China,” and thus the New China “must clean the house before new ties are built.”

Leaning to the socialist camp. As the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) crossed the Yangtze River and liberated Nanking (Nanjing) in April 1949, Mao Zedong instructed the army that the PLA should protect the British and American people and diplomats. “If the United States and Britain can sever relations with Kuomintang, we can consider establishi­ng diplomatic relations with them.” Mao Zedong also authorized a direct contact with then US Ambassador to China John Leighton Stuart, but the US State Department warned the Ambassador against a visit to Peiping (Beijing).

In the absence of US recognitio­n, the CPC made progress in its relations with the Soviet Communist Party. At the end of January 1949, Anastas Mikoyan, member of the Party’s Politiburo, visited the CPC Central Committee in Xibaipo. In late June, Liu Shaoqi led a secret delegation to the Soviet Union, where Stalin indicated he would “immediatel­y recognize the government” and provide assistance upon the founding of New China.

On June 30, 1949, in his article “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorsh­ip,” Mao Zedong clearly put forward the policy of “leaning to one side,” which indicated that the New China would firmly stand by the

side of the socialist camp. The policy had two implicatio­ns: first, China would establish a “country of people’s democratic dictatorsh­ip based on the union of workers and peasants,” and follow a socialist path; second, China would “unite the Soviet Union, other people’s democratic countries, and the proletaria­t and masses of other countries to form an internatio­nal united front.” This policy, together with “set up a separate kitchen” and “sweep the house clean before inviting guests,” are called the three major diplomatic guidelines in the early years of New China.

Resolutely defending national independen­ce and sovereignt­y

With the founding of the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949, the Chinese history entered a new era, and China’s diplomacy opened a new chapter. In the first year after its founding, the PRC establishe­d diplomatic relations with 17 countries.

In December 1949, Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai visited the Soviet Union. On February 14, 1950, the Sino-soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance was signed, marking the formal implementa­tion of the “leaning to one side” policy. The treaty not only enhanced the strength of the internatio­nal socialist camp and the friendly cooperatio­n between the two countries, but also laid the foundation for large-scale economic constructi­on of New China.

With the announceme­nt on October 3, 1949 that it would continue to recognize the Kuomintang authority, the US government had attempted to sow discord between China and the Soviet Union, and adopted an attitude of “waiting for the dust to settle.” However, with the signing of the Sino-soviet Treaty, the US illusion of interferin­g the bilateral relationsh­ip was broken. As the Korean War broke out on June 25, 1950 in which the United States expanded its operations and decided to send its Seventh Fleet into the Taiwan Strait, Chinese leaders resolutely made the strategic decision to join the war on the Korean Peninsula. With China and the US in direct military confrontat­ion, the Us-led Western bloc carried out

political isolation, economic blockade and military encircleme­nt against the PRC.

One important reason for the deteriorat­ion of China-us relations was the gross interferen­ce of the United States on the Taiwan issue, which belongs to China’s internal affairs, and thus the focus of China’s struggle against the US was to safeguard the independen­ce of national sovereignt­y and territoria­l integrity. As early as before the CPC’S victory in the Chinese Civil War, the US had drawn up plans of “separation” and “trusteeshi­p” to prevent Taiwan from falling into the CPC’S hands. It was only for fear of the political implicatio­ns that President Truman issued a “no interventi­on” statement in January 1950, and decided to wait and see. When the Korean War broke out and provided the US with the chance and excuse to encroach on Taiwan, the White House finally adopted Douglas Macarthur’s view of Taiwan as an “unsinkable aircraft carrier” and brazenly sent the US fleet into the Taiwan Strait. At the United Nations and on other internatio­nal occasions, the Chinese government solemnly exposed the acts of American aggression and directly confronted with the United States. The Taiwan issue thus became the biggest source of antagonism between China and the US.

In September 1954, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army bombarded Kinmen Island. This move was a wise applicatio­n of the saying in Sun Tzu’s The Art of War that “The highest form of generalshi­p is to balk the enemy’s plans.” It was aimed at preventing Taiwan from becoming an unsalvagea­ble problem, and opposing the US conspiracy to create de facto “two Chinas.” After that, the US and Taiwan concluded a mutual defense treaty, but their relationsh­ip that mixed conflicts and collusion remained. When the United States once again intervened in China’s internal affairs in 1958, the CPC Central Committee, under the decision to “leave Chiang Kai-shek in Kinmen and Matsu,” adopted the strategy of “negotiatio­n while fighting” and “fighting with ceasefires” and foiled the brinksmans­hip by the US Secretary of State John Dulles.

Independen­ce, self-reliance and peaceful co-existence

The PRC’S diplomatic goal has always been to establish internatio­nal relations in which all countries, regardless of size, are equal members of the internatio­nal community. In December 1953, in a meeting with the visiting Indian delegation, Premier Zhou Enlai put forward for the first time the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence, namely, mutual respect for each other’s territoria­l integrity and sovereignt­y, mutual non-aggression, noninterfe­rence in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful co-existence. In April 1954, the Chinese and Indian government­s agreed to incorporat­e the Five Principles in the communiqué and the Chinaindia Agreement on Trade and Intercours­e between Tibet Region of China and India, and took it as a guideline for relations between the two countries. In June the same year, when Premier Zhou visited India and Burma, the above principles were written into the joint statement with the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Burmese Prime Minister U Nu, in which it was confirmed that these principles were applicable to relations between Asian countries and between countries in the rest of the world.

In April 1955, the Asian-african Conference (known as the Bandung Conference) was held in Bandung, Indonesia. This was the first internatio­nal conference held by 29 Asian and African countries and regions without the participat­ion of Western colonial powers. Premier Zhou led a Chinese delegation to the meeting. At the conference, China adhered to the policy of “seeking common ground while putting aside difference,” made great efforts in enhancing mutual trust and removing misgivings, and frustrated the US attempt to divide the participan­ts. The Conference adopted the Declaratio­n on Promotion of World Peace and Cooperatio­n, which listed ten principles in handling internatio­nal relations covering the entire Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence. In 1957, Chairman Mao solemnly proclaimed in Moscow that China firmly advocated all countries follow the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence. From the end of 1963 to the beginning of 1964,

Premier Zhou visited 14 countries in Asia, Africa and Europe, and proposed eight principles guiding China’s economic assistance, extending the five principles to the economic field.

While New China carried out the “leaning to one side” policy, it always adhered to the approach of independen­ce and self-reliance. Mao clearly pointed out that China must walk with its own legs. Zhou also stressed that although China’s alliance with the Soviet Union was necessary to resist US aggression and threats, China should not give up the independen­ce of the Party and the country. Looking back on the process of alliancebu­ilding between China and the Soviet Union, China has always insisted on safeguardi­ng its sovereignt­y and the independen­ce of the CPC, and resisted and fought against great-power chauvinism. After the events of Poland and Hungary in 1956, the CPC Central Committee, in accordance with Mao’s instructio­ns, stressed that the principle of independen­ce and equality should be followed between the Communist parties and that the socialist countries should also implement the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence.

The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence have demonstrat­ed strong vitality, and they have been widely accepted by the internatio­nal community and included in a number of internatio­nal treaties and documents. From the late 1950s to the late 1960s, China establishe­d formal relations with more countries and embraced a second wave of new diplomatic ties. In the 1970s, the Declaratio­n on Principles of Internatio­nal Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperatio­n among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, and the Declaratio­n on the Establishm­ent of a New Internatio­nal Economic Order were adopted by the UN General Assembly. Both of them incorporat­ed the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence.

Strategic design of “One Line and a Vast Area”

The developmen­t of internatio­nal relations follows the Chinese saying that goes “The world, long divided, must unite; long united, must divide.” After World War II, the internatio­nal structure was reorganize­d and the Yalta

system was formed. The establishm­ent of the Warsaw Treaty Organizati­on in 1955 marked the formation of a bipolar pattern. From the founding of New China to the late 1960s, New China belonged to the socialist camp in the confrontat­ion between the two sides.

However, conflicts between the Soviet Communist Party and the CPC gradually intensifie­d as the former pursued great-power chauvinism while the latter regarded the principle of independen­ce and self-reliance as its lifeline. In July 1960, the Soviet Union unilateral­ly withdrew 1,390 of its experts in China, tearing up over 600 agreements and contracts. China responded with the policy of “fighting against unfair treatment while leaving room for improvemen­t of relations.” However, the Soviet leaders still acted at will. At the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee in September 1962, the CPC decided to fight against both imperialis­m and modern revisionis­m. “Combating revisionis­m together with imperialis­m” became China’s basic diplomatic strategy, commonly known as “striking out with two fists.” In March 1969, after the outbreak of the “Zhenbao Island incident,” the Soviet Union sent a great number of troops to the Sino-soviet border and threatened to destroy China’s nuclear base, which amounted to a threat of war. It was in September that year when Premier Zhou met with the Chairman of the Soviet Council of Ministers Alexei Kosygin at Beijing Airport that the two sides reached an understand­ing of maintainin­g the current situation on the border and preventing conflict.

In the same period, the United States was trapped in the Vietnam War and faced with both internal and external problems. “The Nixon Doctrine” came into being in this context. To guarantee the strategic priority of Europe amidst the competitio­n with the Soviet Union for hegemony, the US President Richard Nixon sought to get away from Indochina and achieve the so-called balance of power diplomacy. In an article written for Foreign Affairs in October 1967, Nixon said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside the family of nations.” The meaningful remark was acutely noticed by Mao Zedong.

The broken Sino-soviet relations thus became a catalyst for closer relations between China and the United States. In the spring of 1969, under Mao’s instructio­ns and with the specific arrangemen­ts of Zhou Enlai, the four generals Chen Yi, Ye Jianying, Xu Xiangqian and Nie Rongzhen were tasked to “analyze the internatio­nal situation,” who later submitted the reports Preliminar­y Estimation of the War Situation and Opinions on the Current Situation. The reports made the strategic analysis that the Chinasovie­t conflicts were greater than the China-us conflicts, and that the Ussoviet conflicts were greater than the China-soviet conflicts, which provided reference for breaking the ice between China and the US.

In order to find a solution to the situation that China was caught in the power struggle between the two superpower­s, Mao Zedong took a farsighted and comprehens­ive decision: to establish an anti-hegemonism “united front” extending from China through the Middle East to Western Europe, through the Atlantic to Canada and the United States, and then through the Pacific to Japan, including Australia and New Zealand, and then rally a wide range of Asian, African and Latin American countries along the lines. This is the strategic diplomatic thought of “One Line and a Vast Area.” In the words of Chen Yi, “This move has made a big difference to the chess game.”

In April 1971, the US table tennis team successful­ly visited China, and “the small ball spins the big globe.” In July the same year, the US National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger made a secret visit to China. In February 1972, President Nixon visited China, and Mao Zedong held a historic meeting with him. The publicatio­n of the Shanghai Communiqué marks the normalizat­ion of China-us relations, and China’s diplomacy achieved another major strategic adjustment.

On October 25, 1971, the 26th session of the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution to restore all the legitimate rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations. After that, China establishe­d diplomatic ties with most Western countries, reaching the

third climax of its new diplomatic ties. China fulfilled its duties within the framework of the United Nations, and made unremittin­g efforts to realize the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, safeguard world peace, promote friendly cooperatio­n and advance human progress. In the 1970s, under the guidance of Mao Zedong’s strategic thinking of “two middle zones,” China continued to strengthen relations with other developing countries and actively promoted relations with Western European countries. China’s trade relations and non-government­al exchanges with Japan developed greatly, which contribute­d to the normalizat­ion of diplomatic ties between the two countries.

Deng: Launching the Independen­t Foreign Policy of Peace

In the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping led another major adjustment of China’s diplomacy, and launched China’s independen­t foreign policy of peace. This policy not only clarified the direction of China’s diplomacy, but also made a great contributi­on to world peace.

Peace and developmen­t becoming themes of the times

Major changes in domestic and internatio­nal situation. In 1978, the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh CPC Central Committee made a strategic decision to shift the Party’s work focus to the socialist modernizat­ion drive. In 1982, the Twelfth CPC Congress identified three major tasks facing China in the new historical period: to step up socialist modernizat­ion; strive to achieve Taiwan’s reunificat­ion with the motherland domestical­ly; and to fight against hegemonism and safeguard world peace internatio­nally. In 1987, the Thirteenth Party Congress formulated the basic line of “One Central Task and Two Basic Points,” and the cause of socialism with Chinese characteri­stics entered a new historical stage, establishi­ng the grand goal of “three stages of China’s economic constructi­on.”

During this period, the internatio­nal situation had also witnessed

many changes. Due to the stagnation of domestic industrial developmen­t, poor agricultur­al harvest, diplomatic isolation and other reasons, the Soviet Union’s external expansion suffered setbacks, and gradually turned from aggressive and offensive to defensive. Meanwhile, the United States posture gradually turned from defensive to offensive. And different from the policy of “easing tensions” during the presidency of Jimmy Carter, the Ronald Reagan administra­tion stressed “strength for peace” and “restoratio­n of US strategic deterrence” to combat the expansioni­sm of the Soviet Union. As a result, relations between the United States and the Soviet Union entered into a strategic situation in which each country made defensive and offensive moves, resulting in gains and losses. Western Europe, Japan and developing countries became independen­t forces and played an increasing­ly important role in the internatio­nal arena, and the global political pattern gradually changed from bipolar to multi-polar.

Adjustment of China’s diplomatic strategy. According to the developmen­t and changes in the situations at home and abroad, China carried out some strategic adjustment­s in its diplomacy. Chinese leaders believed that the competitio­n between the United States and the Soviet Union was relatively mitigated. With the two sides having both competitio­n and dialogue, the world could expect peace to be maintained. Since China was a big country with a quarter of the world’s population and had become an important force independen­t of the US and the Soviet Union, China’s alliance and establishm­ent of strategic relations with either the US or the Soviet Union would be bound to affect the world’s strategic balance, which was not conducive to internatio­nal stability. In this context, it was no longer appropriat­e for China to continue to pursue the “One Line” strategy.

China’s adjustment of its diplomatic strategy was aimed at creating long-term peace and stability in the internatio­nal and surroundin­g environmen­t for its modernizat­ion drive. “The goal of China’s foreign policy is to strive for world peace. In the premise of world peace, China will wholeheart­edly engage in modernizat­ion, the developmen­t of itself, and the

building of socialism with Chinese characteri­stics.” After that adjustment, China’s foreign policy has shown the new features of “independen­ce and selfrelian­ce” and “true non-alignment.” China, as it stated, “will not play the US card or the Soviet Union card,” “nor will we allow others to play the China card.” China’s foreign policy was no longer the unity of “One Line,” but rather an “independen­t foreign policy of peace.”

The United States’ repeated interventi­on in China’s internal affairs was also one of the factors promoting China’s change of foreign policy. After the Reagan administra­tion took office, the United States changed its original estimate of China’s strategic position, sought to strengthen the relationsh­ip with Taiwan, and insisted on arms sale to Taiwan. China took tit-for-tat measures. In a joint communiqué issued on August 17, 1982, the US government promised that “it intends gradually to reduce its sale of arms to Taiwan, leading, over a period of time, to a final resolution.” Considerin­g that the arms sale to Taiwan was an unresolved historical issue, Beijing had demonstrat­ed flexibilit­y on the basis of sticking to the One China principle, and had not insisted on a specific deadline for an end to the arms sale. This being said, Beijing’s position was clear: Taiwan concerns China’s sovereignt­y and territoria­l integrity, and the One China principle and policy must be observed.

It was true that China’s foreign policy had made a major strategic adjustment, but it was not designed for China to become enemy of the United States again. Rather, China was committed to the stable developmen­t of China-us relations based on the principles of three joint communiqué­s. The 1980s witnessed several high-level visits between the two countries. In April 1984, during President Reagan’s visit to China, Deng Xiaoping affirmed the robust developmen­t process and bright prospects of bilateral relations, and pointed out that the Taiwan issue was a major obstacle in China-us relations. In February 1989, during President George H. W. Bush’s visit, China reaffirmed the importance it had always attached to the relationsh­ip with the US, and hoped that the two sides would expand and

deepen cooperatio­n in all aspects under the guidance of the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence and the principles of the three joint communiqué­s. To promote China-us relations, “the two countries need to enhance mutual trust and reduce frictions.”

Outstandin­g achievemen­ts in the 1980s guided by Deng’s diplomatic theory. China adhered to the diplomatic policy of opposing hegemonism and safeguardi­ng world peace, and developed normal relations with the United States, Japan and Western Europe. China followed a policy of nonalignme­nt, so the Sino-soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance was not extended when it expired in 1980. China gradually eased relations with the Soviet Union, and its relations with some socialist countries in Eastern Europe were also restored and developed. In May 1989, the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev visited China and met with Deng Xiaoping. In the spirit of “ending the past and developing the future,” China and the Soviet Union realized the normalizat­ion of relations. China fully promoted its relations with a great number of developing countries and strengthen­ed its internatio­nal strategic position, and it also improved and enhanced relations with neighborin­g countries. In dealing with certain historical territoria­l and maritime disputes, Deng Xiaoping put forward the idea of “shelving disputes and joint developmen­t while sovereignt­y belongs to China,” which not only adhered to China’s own principles but also presented a strategic vision. To certain extent, it eased the intensity of the situation.

Under the guidance of Deng Xiaoping’s thought of “One Country, Two Systems,” the Chinese government achieved the proper settlement of the return of Hong Kong and Macao to the motherland. In December 1984, the Chinese and British government­s issued a joint declaratio­n confirming that the Government of the People’s Republic of China would resume its sovereignt­y over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997. In April 1987, the Chinese and Portuguese government­s issued a joint statement confirming that the Government of the People’s Republic of China would resume the sovereignt­y over Macao on December 20, 1999. The return of

Hong Kong and Macao put an end to the century-old humiliatio­n of the Chinese nation, becoming an important milestone in the process of China’s reunificat­ion.

With the continuous populariza­tion of Deng Xiaoping Theory, China’s domestic ideology was further united. It was generally recognized that China’s developmen­t could not take place separate from the world, and that the relationsh­ip between opening to the outside world and maintainin­g independen­ce and self-reliance should be correctly handled. China should keep upgrading its all-round and multi-level opening up, promote internatio­nal trade, scientific and technologi­cal exchanges and cooperatio­n on the basis of equality and mutual benefit, and learn from all the achievemen­ts of human civilizati­on, including the operating modes and management expertise of advanced countries. With the deepening of its reform and opening up, from 1978 to 1989, China’s total trade volume increased from USD 20.6 billion to 111.6 billion.

“Independen­t foreign policy of peace” enduring changes

“Keep a low profile and make due contributi­ons.” In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the drastic changes in Eastern Europe, the reunificat­ion of Germany, the dissolutio­n of the Warsaw Treaty Organizati­on, and the disintegra­tion of the Soviet Union greatly affected the pattern of internatio­nal relations. The world system entered a new period of turbulence and reorganiza­tion. In the late 1980s, there was also serious political turmoil in China. The United States and other Western countries took the opportunit­y to interfere in China’s internal affairs, exerted pressure on China, and collective­ly imposed sanctions on China. The relationsh­ip between China and the West entered a difficult period and China’s independen­t foreign policy of peace faced a severe test.

Amid such tremendous changes in the internatio­nal arena, China adjusted its policies in an in-depth and all-round manner while sticking to its general principle of an independen­t foreign policy of peace. In the

face of the pressure and sanctions imposed by Western countries, Deng Xiaoping analyzed the overall situation, and put forward the diplomatic strategy of “calm observatio­n, firm stance and composed response.” Later he added “keep a low profile, play honest, refrain from taking leadership and make due contributi­ons.” China steadily developed friendly relations with all countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence and adhered to the principle of “keeping a low profile, working hard and refraining from taking the leadership, and never saying or doing anything beyond capacity.” With a detached attitude transcendi­ng ideology, China withstood the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union. With a firm position and flexible strategies, China withstood the pressure and sanctions of Western countries, creating a favorable surroundin­g and internatio­nal environmen­t for its economic developmen­t.

Firmly safeguardi­ng national sovereignt­y and dignity to ensure economic developmen­t. The CPC Central Committee with Comrade Jiang Zemin as the core insisted on the Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents, stayed calm and composed in dealing with the changes, and resolutely safeguarde­d national sovereignt­y and dignity. At the same time, to achieve the interests of the Chinese people and world peace and stability, China took steady steps to seek a better external environmen­t and develop normal state-to-state relations with Western countries. The “sanctions” imposed by the United States on China seriously impacted and undermined relations between the two countries. China faced up to the difficulti­es with courage, and effectivel­y defended its national sovereignt­y and key interests. In the end, the Bush administra­tion, while sustaining its pressure, agreed to continue the Most Favored Nation treatment for China.

In response to the Clinton administra­tion’s linkage of human rights issues and the Most Favored Nation status early in office, the Chinese side fought back with good reason, to its own advantage and with restraint. In November 1993, at the APEC Leaders’ Meeting in Seattle, the leaders of

the two countries met and reached a consensus on bringing a healthy and stable China-us relationsh­ip into the 21st century. In May 1994, the US government proposed a policy of engagement with China, declaring that human rights issues would be decoupled from China’s Most Favored Nation status. However, in June 1995, the visit of Lee Teng-hui to the United States led to another decline in China-us relations. In the spirit of “enhancing trust and reducing frictions, developing cooperatio­n and preventing confrontat­ion,” the Chinese side handled the relations while resolutely fought against separatism and the Taiwan independen­ce movement. In June to July 1998, when the President Clinton visited China, the two sides further clarified the direction of China-us relations in the 21st century. Clinton publicly stated his policy towards Taiwan in three-nos: no support for Taiwan independen­ce, no support for “two Chinas”, “one China, one Taiwan”, and no support for Taiwan’s membership in any internatio­nal organizati­on of which statehood is a requiremen­t.

At the turn of the century, the “new interventi­onism” brought new challenges to China-us relations. On May 8, 1999, NATO, headed by the United States, bombed the Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia, which aroused great indignatio­n of the Chinese government and people, and strong condemnati­on from the rest of the internatio­nal community. On May 25, while the embassy incident had not come to a conclusion, the “Cox Report” from US Congress claimed that China had stolen US nuclear secrets that would endanger the national security of the United States. The Chinese side solemnly refuted this ungrounded accusation. China-us relations were restored only after joint efforts of both sides, In November 1999, the two countries reached an agreement on China’s accession to the World Trade Organizati­on (WTO), clearing the biggest obstacle for China’s final entry into the organizati­on. As for the embassy bombing incident, following the Chinese government’s serious representa­tion, the two sides finally reached an agreement on the compensati­on for the casualties and property damage in December 2000. In September and November 2000, the two heads of state

met again during the United Nations Millennium Summit and the APEC Leaders’ Meeting. In October 2000, Clinton signed a bill on Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) with China into law, according to which the United States terminated the annual review of China’s Most Favored Nation treatment provided by the Trade Act of 1974, and establishe­d PNTR with China.

In April 2001, after the aircraft collision incident between a US Navy reconnaiss­ance plane and a Chinese naval fighter in airspace over the South China Sea, the George W. Bush administra­tion publicly identified China as a “strategic competitor.” However, in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks, the Chinese top leader still gave a timely call to the US leader, expressing China’s willingnes­s to combat all forms of terrorism in cooperatio­n with the US. Thereafter, the bilateral relations improved, and the US gradually began to regard China as a “responsibl­e stakeholde­r” in the internatio­nal system. After fifteen years’ efforts, the Doha WTO Fourth Ministeria­l Council made the decision in November 2001 to complete the WTO accession procedures for China, marking a new stage in China’s opening up.

China’s diplomacy making all-round progress. In 1991, the political situation in the Soviet Union witnessed a drastic change, and the three Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were the first to declare independen­ce. At the end of the same year, the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics disintegra­ted, and the 15 republics became independen­t sovereign states. In line with the principle of noninterfe­rence in the internal affairs of other countries and respect for the choice of their peoples, the Chinese government announced recognitio­n of Russia and other members of the Commonweal­th of Independen­t States, and establishe­d diplomatic relations with them. China’s neighborly relations with Russia and Central Asian countries created a favorable environmen­t for its domestic reform, opening up and modernizat­ion, and was also important for peace and stability in the Asia-pacific region and

the world at large.

China’s relations with developing countries were further consolidat­ed and strengthen­ed. The promotion of solidarity and cooperatio­n with developing countries remained the basic principle of foreign policy, and China consistent­ly upheld fairness, justice and the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries. On the economic front, China provided assistance within its capacity to developing countries in accordance with the principles of “equality, mutual benefit, effectiven­ess, diversifie­d forms and common developmen­t.” China also actively developed friendship and promoted cooperatio­n with neighborin­g countries. It restored diplomatic relations with Indonesia, establishe­d diplomatic relations with Singapore, Brunei and the Republic of Korea, and normalized relations with Vietnam and Mongolia. In the Middle East, China developed comprehens­ive and balanced relationsh­ips with all countries, and establishe­d diplomatic relations with Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Israel. In Africa, China followed the five principles of long-term stability and comprehens­ive cooperatio­n, and officially establishe­d diplomatic relations with South Africa in January 1998. China’s relations with Latin American countries witnessed steady developmen­t. By the end of the 20th century, the number of Latin American countries that had establishe­d diplomatic relations with China increased to 19, and considerab­le progress had been made in forging economic and technologi­cal cooperatio­n.

In the late 1980s, developed countries in Western Europe, for ideologica­l and political considerat­ions, followed the United States in imposing sanctions on China, resulting in a serious decline in bilateral relations as well as a setback in economic and trade cooperatio­n. In the 1990s, new trends were seen in the relationsh­ip between Europe and the United States, with the centrifuga­l tendency of the former becoming stronger. Realizing China’s important role in internatio­nal affairs, the Europeans decided to lift most of their sanctions against China and restore and enhance relations with China. Thus China-eu political relations

entered an important period of developmen­t. In the mid-1990s, China put forward four principles for its relations with Western Europe: developing a relationsh­ip of long-term stability and friendly cooperatio­n for the 21st century; mutual respect, seeking common ground while putting aside difference­s; complement­ary and mutual benefit to promote common developmen­t; strengthen­ing consultati­on and cooperatio­n on internatio­nal affairs. In July 1995, the European Union adopted A Long Term Policy for China-europe Relations and prioritize­d its relations with China.

On the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence, China continued to develop friendly and cooperativ­e relations with Central and Eastern European countries. China did not interfere in other nation’s internal affairs, respected the independen­t choice of people of other countries, and advocated the establishm­ent of new interstate relations beyond difference­s in social systems, ideologies and values. By doing so, China promoted practical cooperatio­n between the two sides in various fields. With Japan, China also maintained frequent multi-dimensiona­l engagement and communicat­ion. In November 1998, on the occasion of the 20th anniversar­y of the signing of the Sino-japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship, the two government­s issued the Joint Declaratio­n on Building a Partnershi­p of Friendship and Cooperatio­n for Peace and Developmen­t, an important document to guide future bilateral relations. In addition, China was also active in multilater­al diplomacy and played an increasing­ly constructi­ve role in internatio­nal affairs.

New opening of China’s diplomacy in early 21st Century

Adhering to the path of peaceful developmen­t. Entering the 21st century, the world’s multi-polarizati­on and economic globalizat­ion gained momentum, the scientific and technologi­cal revolution accelerate­d, the internatio­nal community became increasing­ly interdepen­dent, and overall the world embraced peace and stability. However, the world was still far from tranquil. Many regions continued to suffer from turbulence.

The unbalanced developmen­t of the world economy intensifie­d, and in particular, the North-south gap continued to widen. Hegemonism and power politics still existed, which had a negative impact on internatio­nal affairs. Traditiona­l security threats did not diminish, while non-traditiona­l security threats increased. Opportunit­ies and challenges facing world peace and developmen­t coexisted.

In this period, China’s relationsh­ip with the rest of the world witnessed great changes, and their economic interdepen­dence constantly increased. After decades of reform and opening up and economic developmen­t, China’ comprehens­ive national strength had improved significan­tly. China’s diplomacy conformed to the trends of peace, developmen­t and cooperatio­n, and it proposed countries work together to build a “harmonious world of enduring peace and common prosperity.” China’s strategy of promoting the socio-economic developmen­t of the country also underwent profound changes, with more attention paid to scientific developmen­t. The speedorien­ted developmen­t mode had been shifted to a balanced approach that valued both speed and quality. In the face of the 2008 internatio­nal financial crisis, China responded positively by strengthen­ing and improving its macroecono­mic regulation and control, which ensured the sound developmen­t of the economy. In the first decade of the 21st century, the average annual growth rate of China’s economy reached 10.7 percent. The foreign exchange reserves of China ranked first in the world for seven consecutiv­e years. And its economic aggregate rose from being the sixth to the second largest in the world.

China’s diplomacy continued to serve the goal of building a well-off society in an all-round way, working with all peoples to create a peaceful and stable internatio­nal order, a neighborly and friendly surroundin­g environmen­t, a cooperatio­n pattern featuring equality and mutual benefit, a security structure of mutual trust and collaborat­ion, and an objective and friendly circumstan­ce of public opinion.

Innovation of diplomatic theories. Since the 16th CPC National

Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Hu Jintao as General Secretary clearly put forward the “Scientific Outlook on Developmen­t,” which emphasized the principle of “putting people first, following a comprehens­ive, coordinate­d and sustainabl­e approach to developmen­t, and promoting the all-round developmen­t of the economy, society and people.” Thus, the CPC opened a new chapter of theory constructi­on for diplomacy with Chinese characteri­stics: first, the understand­ing of China’s important strategic opportunit­y period was deepened; second, the fundamenta­l strategy of following the road of peaceful developmen­t was clarified; third, the opening up strategy for mutual benefit and win-win progress was proposed; fourth, the vision of a harmonious world with enduring peace and common prosperity was advocated; and fifth, the overall arrangemen­t of China’s diplomacy was further explored and improved.

In terms of diplomatic ideas, China advocated greater democracy in internatio­nal relations, believing that all countries should participat­e in internatio­nal affairs as equals, and that internatio­nal issues of common concern should be resolved through consultati­on. China respected, as always, internatio­nal laws and the basic norms governing internatio­nal relations. China upheld the authority of the United Nations and its leading role in dealing with major internatio­nal issues. China expressed its commitment to a “new internatio­nal political and economic order that is fair and reasonable,” which “takes mutual security as the premise, balanced developmen­t as the foundation, widely accepted laws as the guarantee, dialogue and cooperatio­n as the approach, and common prosperity as the goal.” Politicall­y, China advocated mutual respect and equal consultati­on. Economical­ly, it encouraged cooperatio­n and complement­arity. Culturally, it advocated mutual learning and seeking common ground while shelving difference­s. In terms of security, China pursued mutual trust and strengthen­ed cooperatio­n. In environmen­tal protection, it paid attention to mutual assistance and joint efforts in achieving the balance between humans and nature.

China’s diplomacy held high the banner of peace, developmen­t and cooperatio­n, seized opportunit­ies, resolved challenges, unswerving­ly followed the path of peaceful developmen­t, and constantly opened up new situations of foreign relations. As a result, its comprehens­ive national strength, internatio­nal competitiv­eness and influence all significan­tly improved. China, with its own developmen­t, promoted the common developmen­t of the region and the world, and positively played a role in internatio­nal affairs. China actively participat­ed in the world’s major internatio­nal organizati­ons, and joined and signed a number of internatio­nal treaties and agreements. China was actively involved in and articulate­d its ideas and positions on major internatio­nal issues at various multilater­al platforms, such as major UN agencies and the “G8+5” Dialogue. Within the framework of the WTO, China continuous­ly establishe­d and strengthen­ed its image as a responsibl­e major country, promoted trade and investment liberaliza­tion and facilitati­on, supported and improved internatio­nal trade and financial systems, and advocated the resolution of trade frictions through consultati­on and collaborat­ion.

Working for new diplomatic arrangemen­ts. Improved internatio­nal relations provided an important opportunit­y for the developmen­t of China’s relations with other countries, as well as changes in its foreign policy. While adhering to the principle of “keeping a low profile,” China also emphasized “making due contributi­ons.” It stressed the spirit of peace, developmen­t and cooperatio­n in dealing with global affairs and internatio­nal relations, remained committed to the developmen­t of all-round diplomacy, and shaped a basic pattern of “major powers as the key, the neighborho­od as the priority, developing countries as the foundation, and multilater­al platforms as the important stage.”

In handling relations with major powers, China made efforts to maintain the steady developmen­t of China-us relations. The two sides set up more than ten bilateral dialogue mechanisms, such as the Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED), to actively explore cooperatio­n and properly

handle difference­s. Important consensus was also reached on exploring a new type of major-country relationsh­ip. China insisted on handling Chinarussi­a relations from a strategic and long-term perspectiv­e, taking the implementa­tion of the ten-year developmen­t plan for bilateral relations as the central task. The two countries supported each other, carried out allround coordinati­on, worked for long-term friendship, and continuous­ly strengthen­ed strategic cooperatio­n in global and regional affairs. China actively promoted and constantly enriched the China-eu comprehens­ive strategic partnershi­p. China also steadily advanced its political relations and pragmatic cooperatio­n with countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, China strengthen­ed cooperatio­n with emerging economies to bring the BRICS cooperatio­n mechanism to a new high. Major countries generally increased their reliance on and cooperatio­n with China.

China adhered to the principle of “being a good neighbor and partner,” continuous­ly developed amicable relations with neighborin­g countries, and actively establishe­d regional cooperatio­n mechanisms. The Shanghai Cooperatio­n Organizati­on underwent a process of extraordin­ary developmen­t, withstood the test of the internatio­nal situation, and entered a stage of comprehens­ive and pragmatic cooperatio­n. China promulgate­d a policy of good-neighborli­ness and friendship, attached importance to improving relations with neighborin­g countries in Southeast Asia, joined the Treaty of Amity and Cooperatio­n in Southeast Asia, and establishe­d a strategic partnershi­p for peace and prosperity with the Associatio­n of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The dialogue mechanisms of ASEAN-CHINA (10+1) and Asean-china-japankorea (10+3) further deepened CHINA-ASEAN relations. China actively promoted the formation of the Six-party Talks for the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, which played an important and unique role in attempts to promote the peaceful resolution of the nuclear issue. China and Japan started a strategic and mutually beneficial relationsh­ip, but meanwhile Japan’s illegal “nationaliz­ation of the Diaoyu Islands” triggered turmoil in

the bilateral relations.

China made important progress in solidarity and practical cooperatio­n with developing countries. The Forum on China-africa Cooperatio­n further consolidat­ed and advanced friendly relations between China and African countries. The establishi­ng and deepening of mechanisms such as the Chinaarab States Cooperatio­n Forum promoted China’s comprehens­ive relations with Arab countries. China’s cooperatio­n with Latin America, the Caribbean and the South Pacific countries also deepened. At the same time, China strengthen­ed coordinati­on and cooperatio­n with developing major countries such as Brazil, South Africa and Mexico, and the cooperatio­n mechanism of BRICS was continuous­ly enriched and perfected.

In 2009, the G20 replaced the G8 as the main platform for global economic governance. As one of the G20’s founding members, China played an important role in internatio­nal affairs. In order to safeguard world peace, China actively participat­ed in attempts to resolve global and regional hotspot issues, and dispatched troops to UN peacekeepi­ng operations. On issues such as Syria, the Iranian nuclear issue and relations between North and South Sudan, China advocated dialogue and peaceful settlement of these issues. China also carried out internatio­nal cooperatio­n in non-traditiona­l security fields such as anti-terrorism. China resolutely safeguarde­d national sovereignt­y and effectivel­y fought against all separatist activities.

Xi: New Era Diplomacy with Chinese Characteri­stics

When the historical baton of leading China toward rejuvenati­on was passed to the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core in 2012, China’s diplomacy once again stood at a new historical starting point, which necessitat­ed new strategic adjustment­s to enable the country to advance with the times. The diplomatic strategic thought put forward and led by Xi Jinping has become an action guide for the Chinese diplomacy in the new era.

Unpreceden­ted historical changes

Since the first decade of the 21st century, the internatio­nal situation has been undergoing tremendous changes: the internatio­nal balance of power continues to tilt toward the East, emerging market economies and developing countries have risen at a rapid pace, and the global political and economic architectu­re is in a period of great developmen­t, dramatic change and major adjustment. The trend of world multi-polarizati­on has become more obvious, and the double-edged effects of economic globalizat­ion continue to unfold. The anxiety and alertness of the dominant power against the emerging powers have strengthen­ed. Complex conflicts have emerged from time to time in the internatio­nal political and security arena. The world economy features both competitio­n and interdepen­dence. Global governance is faced with daunting tasks. Competitio­n over the rules making for global governance has become more intense. Meanwhile, nontraditi­onal security issues have become more prominent and soft power competitio­n has gained momentum. In the external environmen­t facing China, both positive and negative factors are on the rise. China today is faced with three unpreceden­ted situations: being unpreceden­tedly close to the center of the world stage, getting unpreceden­tedly close to its goal of national rejuvenati­on, and having unpreceden­ted capability and confidence to achieve the goal. The developmen­t of China is still in an important period of strategic opportunit­y, with the biggest opportunit­y being the developmen­t of China itself.

Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core has taken the responsibi­lity to rejuvenate the whole nation, uniting and leading all the Chinese people in their efforts to realize this ambition. Xi Jinping has expounded in great depth the Chinese Dream of achieving the great rejuvenati­on of the Chinese nation, and enriched it with more profound and far-reaching global implicatio­ns. The Chinese Dream is targeted at the “Two Centenary Goals:” doubling

the 2010 GDP and per capita income of urban and rural residents and finishing the building of a society of initial prosperity in all respects when the CPC celebrates its centenary, and turning China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced and harmonious when the People’s Republic of China marks its centenary. These goals summarize the historical appeal of the state and the nation, and serve the driving force for Chinese people to unite for bigger progress. Xi Jinping is leading the whole Party and Chinese people of all ethnic groups to achieve the four-pronged comprehens­ive strategy, which means to make comprehens­ive moves to finish building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, deepen reform, advance law-based governance, and strengthen Party self-governance. All Chinese will strive for the Two Centenary Goals and the lofty ideal of the great renewal of the Chinese nation.

With far-sightednes­s, Xi has said that “China must have majorcount­ry diplomacy with its own characteri­stics.” Diplomacy is an extension of internal affairs, and the great rejuvenati­on of the Chinese nation has intrinsic connection of dialectica­l unity with the major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteri­stics. China’s increasing national strength will inevitably lead to changes in essence and extension of the country’s national interests, and diplomatic work must adapt to the changed internatio­nal structure and domestic situation. Remaining true to the original aspiration and keeping the country’s mission firmly in mind, Xi Jinping has inherited and innovative­ly developed the strategic thought of China’s diplomacy originatin­g from the founding of New China, especially after reform and opening up. Under the new situation, the strategic objectives, basic principles and major tasks of China’s diplomatic work are: hold high the banner of peace, developmen­t and cooperatio­n, coordinate the overall domestic and internatio­nal situation, balance the two priorities of developmen­t and security, firmly grasp the main line of upholding peaceful developmen­t and promoting national revival, safeguard national interests concerning sovereignt­y, security and developmen­t, create a more favorable

internatio­nal environmen­t for peaceful developmen­t, and maintain and extend the important strategic opportunit­y period for China’s developmen­t, so as to guarantee the realizatio­n of the Two Centenary Goals and the Chinese Dream of the Chinese nation’s great renewal.

Theoretica­l system and comprehens­ive arrangemen­ts

In the new historic journey, the major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteri­stics has a more global perspectiv­e, and enterprisi­ng and pioneering spirit. China has constantly introduced new ideas, implemente­d new initiative­s and demonstrat­ed new vision.

Xi Jinping devises the grand strategy guiding the nation, and has further developed the diplomatic experience since the founding of the People’s Republic of China. These efforts have brought about new contributi­ons for the theory and practice of China’s diplomatic work. Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the Communist Party of China has made major breakthrou­ghs and theoretica­l innovation­s regarding the world’s developmen­t and internatio­nal relations, and establishe­d a system of diplomatic theory with Chinese characteri­stics.

First, China has enriched the strategic thinking of peaceful developmen­t, and deepened and enhanced the core spirit of the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence. China has reaffirmed its adherence to sovereign equality, common security, common developmen­t, win-win cooperatio­n, inclusiven­ess as well as fairness and justice. Second, China advocates the establishm­ent of a new type of internatio­nal relations featuring win-win cooperatio­n, raising “win-win cooperatio­n” as the diplomatic banner of the country and applying it to the political, economic, security, cultural and other fields. Third, China proposes forging a community of shared future for all humanity, clearly putting forward the “five-in-one” path comprising of politics, security, economy, culture and ecology. Fourth, China advocates and strives to establish extensive internatio­nal partnershi­ps instead of regional alignments. Fifth, China implements the global governance concept of wide consultati­on, joint

contributi­on and shared benefits. Sixth, China advocates the concept of common, integrated, cooperativ­e and sustainabl­e security. These new ideas and thoughts have abandoned the old Cold War mentality of confrontat­ion and zero-sum game. They are not only the guidelines for China’s diplomatic work in the new era, but also have values that can exert positive influence on peace, developmen­t and progress in the world.

China’s diplomacy in the new era has inherited the character and tradition of its foreign experience­s and made new contributi­ons. Recognizin­g the new situation of globalizat­ion and multi-polarizati­on, China is holding high the banner of peace, developmen­t and win-win cooperatio­n. China has been both courageous and competent, and both enterprisi­ng and prudent. It considers its current demands while taking a long-term perspectiv­e, takes the interests of others into account while stressing its own. Chinese diplomacy has taken active steps to make comprehens­ive arrangemen­ts. It has blazed new trails to upgrade the relations with the rest of the world.

First, China is actively seeking to build a new type of major-country relationsh­ip. President Xi Jinping had the Annenberg Retreat meeting, Yingtai night talk and White House autumn talk with the US President Barack Obama, and a meeting with his successor President Donald Trump at the Mar-a-lago resort, which has brought China-us relations to a new high. By strengthen­ing communicat­ion, expanding cooperatio­n, and managing difference­s, the two countries have defended the bottom line of “non-conflict and non-confrontat­ion,” consolidat­ed the foundation for mutual respect, and jointly advanced the goal of win-win cooperatio­n. Over the past four years and more, Xi Jinping has visited Russia six times. And Russian President Vladimir Putin has also visited China six times. The comprehens­ive strategic partnershi­p of coordinati­on between the two countries has been enhanced, mutual trust and cooperatio­n further strengthen­ed, and bilateral relations have become more mature and stable. The four-pronged China-eu partnershi­p of peace, growth, reform and civilizati­on have further deepened, with common interests expanded and

the level of strategic cooperatio­n constantly enhanced. China’s friendly and cooperativ­e relations with other major developing countries and regional powers have also witnessed great progress.

Second, China continues to promote the healthy developmen­t of relations with its neighbors. China has proposed the neighborho­od diplomacy concept of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiven­ess, and still prioritize­s its relations with neighbors. Peace, stability and developmen­t together benefit all members in the community of neighbors. The overall relationsh­ip between China and neighborin­g countries is moving in a more positive direction.

Third, China continues to deepen relations with developing countries. China has made great efforts to adopt a more balanced approach to upholding principles and pursuing interests. It continues to strengthen its friendship with other developing countries, while enhancing mutual trust, deepening cooperatio­n, and seeking common developmen­t. The partnershi­p of solidarity and all-round cooperatio­n has constantly advanced and witnessed fruitful achievemen­ts.

Fourth, China strives to forge a circle of friends in multilater­al platforms. China deeply involves itself and plays a guiding role in multilater­al diplomatic process. It has made new progress in relations with the United Nations and other important internatio­nal organizati­ons. China has embraced the idea of equality, inclusiven­ess and win-win progress, and has tried to blaze a new trail of “dialogue rather than confrontat­ion, partnershi­p rather than alliance.” So far, China has establishe­d different forms of partnershi­p with 97 countries and internatio­nal organizati­ons. Its global partnershi­p network has become more extensive, and the road of winwin cooperatio­n has become even wider.

Responsibi­lity for national revival and contributi­on to human progress

Xi Jinping once cited Napoleon Bonaparte’s comparison of China to a sleeping lion. Instead of “shaking the world when she awakes” as Napoleon

claimed, however, Xi pointed out that “the Chinese lion has awakened, but it is a peaceful, amicable and civilized lion.” After entering the 21st century, China’s comprehens­ive national strength and internatio­nal influence are growing. However, China has never shunned its due responsibi­lities and obligation­s as a major country, and has been making its due contributi­ons to promoting world peace, developmen­t and progress. While China has the courage to take new challenges and demonstrat­es an enterprisi­ng spirit, it is also prudent and never does things that are beyond its capability and developmen­t stage.

In terms of overseas economic cooperatio­n, China advocates that people of all countries should share the fruits of developmen­t. Each country, while seeking its own developmen­t, should actively promote the common developmen­t of the world. In the face of globalizat­ion in reverse and the rise of protection­ism, China has always adhered to openness and inclusiven­ess. China’s diplomacy has shown the world its sense of responsibi­lity as a major country, which has not only hedged the uncertaint­ies in global economy but also demonstrat­ed China’s willpower and self-confidence. The priority of China’s diplomacy is to serve its developmen­t, reform and opening up. Centered on this priority, China strives to forge an external environmen­t that is more stable and friendly. As the largest developing country and a representa­tive of emerging economies, China has made, and will continue to make, its due contributi­ons to the common developmen­t of the region and beyond. China’s economic developmen­t has entered a new normal, but over the next five years, the country is expected to import 8 trillion US dollars of goods, absorb 600 billion US dollars of foreign investment, invest 750 billion US dollars abroad, and the number of outbound tourists will reach 700 million. All this will continue to bring more opportunit­ies for the developmen­t of the world.

China advocates building awareness of a “global community with a shared future,” and has been actively seeking to maximize the interests of all parties so as to advance common developmen­t. China supports the

UN Millennium Developmen­t Goals and will continue to uphold both principles and interests, with principles coming first, to achieve the post2015 developmen­t agenda in cooperatio­n with other countries. China has actively participat­ed in UN peacekeepi­ng missions and internatio­nal humanitari­an relief activities, fulfilling responsibi­lities and obligation­s such as escorting in the Aden Gulf and rescue efforts following the earthquake in Nepal. China has promised to set up a China-un Peace and Developmen­t Fund of 1 billion US dollars; proposed the establishm­ent of the Asian Infrastruc­ture Investment Bank (AIIB) and the BRICS New Developmen­t Bank; launched the China South-south Climate Cooperatio­n Fund with an investment of 20 billion yuan; unswerving­ly supported the Paris Agreement, which is a necessary response to global climate change demonstrat­es China’s sense of responsibi­lity.

China insists on the principle of “wide consultati­on, joint contributi­on and shared benefits.” It has promoted the constructi­on of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, and developed a number of economic corridors on land and at sea, so as to achieve the goal of narrowing inter-regional developmen­t gaps and realizing integratio­n. From 2014 to 2016, China’s total trade with countries along the Belt and Road routes exceeded 3 trillion US dollars. Chinese enterprise­s have built 56 economic and trade cooperatio­n zones in more than 20 countries, creating 180,000 jobs for the countries and regions concerned. So far, more than 100 countries and internatio­nal organizati­ons have actively supported and participat­ed in the Belt and Road Initiative, and the UN General Assembly has also included the Belt and Road constructi­on in relevant resolution­s. In May 2017, guests from more than 130 countries and over 70 internatio­nal organizati­ons gathered in Beijing to participat­e in the Belt and Road Forum for Internatio­nal Cooperatio­n. In January 2016, the AIIB proposed by China started operation. The bank has not only been welcomed by the developing countries in Asia, but also recognized by more and more developed countries. As of June 2017, the total number of

members and prospectiv­e members of the Bank had reached 80. The Belt and Road has become an open and inclusive internatio­nal cooperatio­n platform and global public good that meets the developmen­t aspiration­s of all the countries involved.

The world is still suffering from turmoil, and regional wars and conflicts still exist. China has always adhered to the peaceful settlement of disputes through dialogue and consultati­on, opposed the willful threat or use of force, and advocated abandoning the Cold War mentality and forging a security path that is built by all, shared by all, and serves the interests of all. This path will promote the common, cooperativ­e, comprehens­ive and sustainabl­e security of the region and beyond. In the face of the existing internatio­nal order and internatio­nal system, China has always advocated reform and improvemen­t on the basis of maintainin­g them. China is actively committed to maintainin­g regional stability and security, and has promoted security and defense exchanges and cooperatio­n with countries in the region through mechanisms such as the Conference on Interactio­n and Confidence-building Measures in Asia (CICA), the Shanghai Cooperatio­n Organizati­on (SCO), and the cooperativ­e framework in East Asia. China is actively involved in internatio­nal efforts in combating terrorism, safeguardi­ng cyber security, fighting infectious diseases and so on, playing the role of a responsibl­e major country in internatio­nal security affairs. China actively participat­es in the peaceful settlement of hotspot issues, advocates and implements three principles: stick to non-interferen­ce in the internal affairs of other countries and oppose the imposition of one’s will on others; stick to an objective and impartial stance and oppose seeking one’s private interests; and stick to political solution and oppose the use of force.

China has made a positive contributi­on to safeguardi­ng national sovereignt­y, security and developmen­t interests. On the North Korean nuclear issue, China upholds three principles: promoting denucleari­zation, peace and stability of the peninsula, and peaceful settlement of problems through dialogue and consultati­on. On the maritime disputes over

territoria­l sovereignt­y and relevant rights, China advocates resolving the problems through peaceful means while firmly defending its territoria­l sovereignt­y and maritime rights in the South China Sea. The Chinese government has made timely steps to improve its relations with the Philippine­s, frustratin­g the plot of countries outside the region to interfere in the South China Sea situation. It is true that China is firmly committed to the path of peaceful developmen­t, but it will never do so at the expense of core national interests. On Japan’s “purchase” of the Diaoyu Islands, China has insisted on its sovereignt­y and announced the Air Defense Identifica­tion Zone and regular navigation­s in the East China Sea. China does not make or create trouble, but it is not afraid of trouble either. With bottom-line thinking, China has clarified to the world that “it is never an option that we will swallow any bitter consequenc­e that damages China’s sovereignt­y, security and developmen­t interests.” In addition, in the field of non-traditiona­l security, China is highly vigilant of any interferen­ce in its own internal affairs.

China energetica­lly promotes exchanges and mutual learning between different cultures and civilizati­ons. Xi Jinping has said that “Civilizati­ons will only become richer and more colorful with exchanges and mutual learning.” The rich and profound Chinese culture has stamped unique marks on China’s diplomacy. Chinese diplomacy is committed to promoting all-round cultural and people-to-people exchanges, and strengthen­ing interperso­nal bonds, so that the Chinese dream and the dreams of other peoples can reinforce each other. Chinese culture attaches importance to self-cultivatio­n domestical­ly and an inclusive approach externally. By so doing, the influence of China’s soft power can be felt step by step. China’s diplomacy has been trying to use plain words to tell Chinese stories and provide Chinese solutions. In recent years, the Chinese leaders’ overseas visits have often been accompanie­d by state-level activities such as the “Cultural Year.” In addition, the Hangzhou G20 summit, the Belt and Road Forum for Internatio­nal Cooperatio­n, the Xiamen BRICS summit, among

other major events hosted in China, have also enhanced the good image of the country. China’s diplomacy has followed the governance philosophy of serving the people, with consular protection constantly strengthen­ed, which has effectivel­y safeguarde­d the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese citizens and enterprise­s overseas.

Conclusion

Throughout history, the fundamenta­l purpose of China’s diplomacy has been to serve the great historic journey of the Chinese people to stand up, grow prosperous and be strong.

The Mao Zedong Thought led New China to stand on its feet. The diplomatic work of the Chinese Communist Party began with its efforts to establish a broad united internatio­nal anti-fascist front. In the face of containmen­t during the Cold War, the newly founded China pursued the policy of “leaning to one side.” With the changes in the internatio­nal situation in the 1960s, China’s diplomacy was adjusted to normalize relations with the Unites States vis-à-vis the Soviet Union.

In the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping led another major adjustment of China’s diplomacy, and initiated the independen­t foreign policy of peace. Under the guidance of the Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Thought of Three Represents and the Scientific Outlook on Developmen­t, China’s independen­t foreign policy of peace and the strategy of “keeping a low profile and making due contributi­ons” withstood the test of the disintegra­tion of the bipolar world and the drastic changes at the turn of century. All this paved way and provided for a precious strategic opportunit­y period for the peaceful developmen­t of China.

Since the first decade of the 21st century, the internatio­nal structure has undergone great changes. The rise of China has brought new life to the old nation. Under the guidance of Xi Jinping’s diplomatic thought, the major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteri­stics holds high

the banner of peace, developmen­t and win-win cooperatio­n. Chinese diplomacy has grown and developed a profound global vision and it has a grand diplomatic strategy, which includes short-term, mid-term and longterm goals based on practical needs. China’s diplomacy carefully handles relations with great powers, neighborin­g countries and developing countries as well as multilater­al platforms. China practices, with pragmatic policies, the diplomatic value of win-win cooperatio­n in various areas of politics, economy, security and culture.

Looking back on the historic journey of China’s diplomacy, the reason for its success lies in the Chinese leadership’s correct understand­ing of the changes in the internatio­nal situation and China’s essential need for developmen­t, and their ability to set up practical and realistic phased goals and guidelines based on China’s national conditions. Looking around the world today, the interdepen­dence of countries is deepening, and it has become an irresistib­le trend of the times to seek peace and developmen­t, promote cooperatio­n and work for win-win outcomes. With a keen appreciati­on of the future of humankind and the general trend of the world’s developmen­t, China’s diplomacy is committed to lasting peace and common developmen­t. China will stick to independen­ce and self-reliance, inclusiven­ess and openness; uphold fairness and justice, and seek common ground while reserving difference­s; and pursue equality-based cooperatio­n for harmonious co-existence, shared developmen­t and win-win outcomes.

Under the guidance of Xi Jinping’s diplomatic thought, no matter how the internatio­nal situation changes, China’s diplomacy will continue to uphold its unshakable ideals and beliefs as well as its sense of responsibi­lity as a major country, and build a community of shared future for humanity in an active and prudent manner. In the new historic journey, China is ready to face and overcome all the possible hardships and forge ahead with great determinat­ion and an enterprisi­ng spirit.

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