China International Studies (English)

New Phase of the United States’ China Policy under the Trump Administra­tion

- Wu Xinbo

While President Trump’s governing concept and policy preference­s would inevitably affect the US agenda and pattern of interactio­n with China, fundamenta­lly it is the political, economic and social changes within the two countries that have driven the transforma­tion of bilateral relations. The new phase of the United States’ China policy has thus put forward higher requiremen­ts for bilateral interactio­ns.

Donald Trump was inaugurate­d as the 45th US President in January 2017. As a president outside of the establishm­ent camp, Trump’s governing concept and policy preference­s have shown great difference from those of his predecesso­rs. This has inevitably affected the US agenda and pattern of interactio­n with China. Meanwhile, the political, economic and social changes in both China and the US have also influenced bilateral relations, driving a transition in bilateral relations at a deeper level. The China policy of the United States has entered a new phase, in which the competitio­n between the two countries has become even intensifie­d. This article aims to summarize the features of China-us relations during the first year of Trump’s presidency, identify challenges of bilateral relations, discuss the content of Sino-us competitiv­e relations in this new stage, and analyze the features and trends that are likely to characteri­ze the United States’ China policy in the near future.

Features of China-us Relations in Trump’s First Year

Trump criticized China many times during his election campaign, and people once worried that his election to the presidency would hinder the developmen­t of China-us relations. However, during the first year of his office, relations with China have become a highlight of Trump’s diplomacy. Wu Xinbo is Dean of the Institute of Internatio­nal Studies and Director of the Center for American Studies, Fudan University.

Rapid contact and smooth start. After Trump was elected President of the United States in November 2016, Chinese President Xi Jinping made a phone call to congratula­te him. In return, Trump sent former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to China. Chinese Ambassador to the US Cui Tiankai and White House Senior Advisor Jared Kushner got in touch. Then State Councilor Yang Jiechi also met with Trump’s senior assistant in New York. This series of close interactio­ns conducted in just about one month allowed the Chinese government and Trump’s team to communicat­e smoothly. China’s subsequent argument with Trump on the Taiwan issue helped prevent Trump from further deviating from the One China policy. With the phone call between President Xi and the newly inaugurate­d President Trump on February 10, 2017, China and the United States set out to start bilateral relations under a new administra­tion. When the two leaders met in Mar-alago in April 2017, it was agreed the two sides would establish four dialogue mechanisms and implement the Economic Cooperatio­n 100-Day Plan, focusing on key issues in bilateral relations, which marked the formal launch of a new stage in China-us relations.

Good personal relationsh­ip between leaders of the two countries played an important role. The Mar-a-lago meeting establishe­d a good working relationsh­ip and personal friendship between Xi and Trump. Trump repeatedly expressed his respect for Xi and said he was proud to have a personal relationsh­ip with Xi. During the one-year period from February 2017 to January 2018, Trump and Xi had three meetings (including their exchange visits) and ten phone calls. This frequency of interactio­ns between leaders of the two countries exceeded that of any previous period. In view of Trump’s governing style characteri­zed by his self-determinat­ion and arbitrarin­ess, Xi has built a good working relationsh­ip with the US President and kept close contact with him, which has played a key role in ensuring the stable developmen­t of China-us relations.

Interactio­ns have obviously followed a problem-oriented path. Trump’s pro-business governing philosophy has made him pay more attention to the trade imbalance between China and the United States,

while the United States’ concerns over North Korea’s nuclear program has also prompted him to seek for China’s cooperatio­n. The leaders of the two countries focused their discussion­s on these two issues during the meetings in Mar-a-lago and Beijing. On economic and trade issues, from the smooth progress of the 100-Day Plan to the first round of Comprehens­ive Economic Dialogue, positive results were reached, and Trump’s visit to China witnessed the signing of economic and trade agreements worth more than US$250 billion, reflecting the steady progress of bilateral economic and trade relations. On the North Korean nuclear issue, China and the US have maintained close communicat­ion and coordinati­on. China has comprehens­ively and more strictly enforced relevant resolution­s and sanctions of the United Nations Security Council. Although the peaceful settlement of the North Korean nuclear issue in a political manner in 2017 failed to make progress, China and the US maintained an important consensus that they would unswerving­ly promote the denucleari­zation of the Korean Peninsula and devote themselves to solving problems through dialogue and negotiatio­n.

However, the positionin­g and framework of China-us relations are still not clear. China hopes to continue promoting the “new type of major-country relationsh­ip” between the two countries, emphasizin­g mutual respect and win-win cooperatio­n at the beginning of its interactio­ns with Trump’s team. Rex Tillerson, on his first visit to China as US Secretary of State, also stated that the US is willing to develop relations with China in the spirit of “non-conflict, non-confrontat­ion, mutual respect, and win-win cooperatio­n.” However, under pressure from the domestic establishm­ent, Trump’s position has retrogress­ed and he has stopped responding to China’s initiative to build a new type of major-country relationsh­ip. Instead, he has proposed to develop “constructi­ve and results-oriented” China-us relations.1 In December 2017, the first National Security Strategy issued by the Trump administra­tion defined China as a “competitor,” claiming that it must carry 1 “US Pursues Constructi­ve, Results-oriented Relationsh­ip with China: Senior US Official,” Xinhua, March 13, 2017, http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2017-03/15/c_136128598.htm.

out strategic competitio­n with China and highlighti­ng the competitiv­e nature between China and the US.2 The failure of the two countries to reach consensus on the positionin­g of bilateral relations highlights the lack of highqualit­y strategic dialogues between the two sides and the lack of a clear and consistent overall framework for the developmen­t of bilateral relations.

The number of China-us interactio­ns on multilater­al occasions has decreased. Since the beginning of the 21st century, due to the developmen­t of globalizat­ion, the increasing number of global issues, the growing importance of global governance and the expansion of China’s national strength and internatio­nal influence, it has become an important feature of China-us relations that the two countries greatly strengthen their interactio­ns in multilater­al frameworks and make the bilateral relations more “internatio­nalized.” It not only expands the space for further developmen­t of bilateral relations but also elevates the internatio­nal influence of the relationsh­ip.3 However, due to Trump’s governing philosophy of “America First,” the US investment in internatio­nal and multilater­al issues has significan­tly shrunk, which has correspond­ingly weakened China-us interactio­ns on multilater­al occasions. The reduction in multilater­al interactio­n has, to a certain extent, impaired the momentum of China-us relations and potentiall­y downgraded the global influence of the relationsh­ip.

Challenges to the Developmen­t of China-us Relations

Currently, the challenges facing China-us relations mainly come from two aspects, namely on the level of interactio­n between the two countries and the coordinati­on within US government agencies on China policy, and in specific areas of the bilateral relations. 2 The White House, National Security Strategy of the United States of America, December 2017, https:// www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/nss-final-12-18-2017-0905.pdf.

3 Wu Xinbo, “The Re-internatio­nalization of Sino-american Relations,” World Economics and Politics, No.8, 2009, pp.21-22.

Trump’s personal background (lack of political experience), personalit­y, and style of conduct have brought unique challenges to China-us relations. Trump himself lacks a broad horizon when he considers the relationsh­ip. He pays too much attention to narrow interests and attaches too much importance to short-term interests and objectives, ignoring the big picture and long-term interests. These are all different from the way in which China handles bilateral relations, and this has produced a “mismatch” in bilateral interactio­ns. Trump handles China-us relations as if he is doing “transactio­ns,” which has both advantages and disadvanta­ges. The advantage is that he can accept the reciprocit­y of interactio­ns, while the disadvanta­ge is that his measures, such as his pursuit of maximum benefits, bluffing, and linkage of issue areas, have increased the cost of China-us competitio­n and reduced his credibilit­y.4 What is particular­ly obvious is that Trump’s understand­ing of economic and trade issues is out of touch with the internatio­nal economic reality in the era of globalizat­ion. He is unrealisti­cally stubborn in solving the problem of goods trade deficit to China, which has made China-us relations more complex. In addition, Trump’s paranoid and self-righteous style of decision-making has also made it more difficult for China to interact with him.

Opinions on China also vary among members of Trump’s policy team, among whom hardliners are on the rise. This has also put pressure to the stable developmen­t of China-us relations. Although Trump is governing as non-establishm­ent, the compositio­n of his administra­tion still reflects the two traditiona­l major power bases of the Republican­s: commercial interests and security interests. From the perspectiv­e of the administra­tion’s China policy, there are hawks in both of these two major groups. In business, Director of the White House National Trade Council Peter Navarro and Trade Representa­tive Robert Lighthizer both advocate the use of tough 4 For example, during Trump’s visit to China in November 2017, China and the US reached trade and investment deals worth $250 billion, with which Trump showed satisfacti­on. Although it is generally believed that China-us economic and trade relations can then enjoy a period of peace, Trump took new measures against China unexpected­ly shortly after returning to the US.

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