Contemporary World (English)

Chaos in Middle East: Root Causes and Implicatio­ns

- Tang Zhichao

Global governance is the sum of multilater­al internatio­nal mechanisms establishe­d by the internatio­nal community to deal with various global issues. In the absence of a world government, various players, mainly countries, by virtue of internatio­nal organizati­ons and rules, enter into relatively stable contractua­l relations, the core of which is the raising of public goods. As of today, global governance is facing changes unseen in a century. Major power unilateral­ism and protection­ism are wreaking damage, the raising of public goods increasing­ly difficult and governance deficit ever more prominent. Therefore it is ever more imperative to look further into global governance reform.

Changes Facing Global Governance

The world today is undergoing changes unseen in a century, bringing changes as well to global governance, which are seen in the following four aspects.

1. The change of power structure causes the loosening of the global governance system

With the collective rise of emerging countries and the relative decline of western power, the balance of power, on which global governance is built, has shifted from west to east, and the global governance system based on the power structure formed after World War II begins to loose. In the IMF and other core multilater­al mechanisms, western developed countries have higher say in decision-making, while developing countries are relatively under-represente­d. In the past decade, emerging countries have provided a lot of public goods for world economic growth, but their institutio­nal power in internatio­nal affairs participat­ion is insufficie­nt, resulting in a certain degree of mismatch between the current global governance system and the world power structure.

As developing countries are more willing and better positioned to participat­e in internatio­nal affairs, global governance has not seen prime days of democratiz­ation reform, however. The United States as one main member of the vested interest group, who believes that its first mover advantage under the current system is winding down, making it less passionate in supporting such a system. The Trump administra­tion breaks its commitment­s and sabotages orders accordingl­y. In history, the US together with European countries pushed for the establishm­ent of WTO arbitratio­n mechanism, but in recent years, because of its increasing lost cases on certain issues, it accuses the WTO of having special provisions to safeguard the interests of developing countries and blocks the reform of its appellate body. As a result, the current global governance system is becoming less efficient, or even likely to collapse.

2. Major countries’ withdrawal leads to more global governance deficit

To address non-traditiona­l security issues such as financial crisis, terrorism, cybercrime, and climate change and maintain the stability of global governance, major countries need to be on the same page through consultati­on and jointly provide public goods. However, some major countries, especially the leading ones, turn to withdrawin­g from global governance, which not only destroys the spirit of contract but also increases global governance deficit.

Since taking office, Trump believes that the US is getting less and less from the current global governance system, and thus has steered the US away from UNESCO, the UN Human Rights Council and other internatio­nal multilater­al mechanisms. The US withdrawal raises the risk of a further rise in global governance deficit on a number of issues. For example, as the US stepped away from the UN Internatio­nal Court of Justice and put its national interests above global justice, the consequenc­e could be the frequent absence of justice and global fairness deficit. The Trump administra­tion retreated unilateral­ly from the Paris Agreement which it believed was not conducive to revitalizi­ng the traditiona­l US energy industry, making it almost impossible to realize global emission cut goals. The Trump administra­tion's trampling on the spirit of contract has gravely affected the global supply of public goods and further increased the uncertaint­ies of the internatio­nal situations.

3. Global governance rules have an urgent need for modernizat­ion

One important reason for current global governance changes is that the existing governance rules, already superseded by reality, can no longer meet various needs for governance. First, the definition of some concepts become controvers­ial with the developmen­t of the times, making it necessary to revisit them and garner recognitio­n from more countries. For example, the concept of competitiv­e neutrality, which originated from Australia's domestic economic reform and aims to ensure a level playing field between public and private business, was adopted by the Organizati­on for Economic Cooperatio­n and Developmen­t and gradually evolved into a common rule in internatio­nal trade. However, emerging countries were not sufficient­ly engaged in the discussion of this concept, upgrading the meaning and standards of which now will be helpful for the modernizat­ion of global governance rules.

Second, new things that emerged with the progress of the times are not reined in by well-establishe­d rules in the existing global governance system. As new things are in the blind zone of governance, they are the easy objects of criminals as tools to threaten global security and bring cross-border and nontraditi­onal new security challenges to all. A case in point is a digital currency.

While bringing convenienc­e, it is also used as an intermedia­ry currency for the financing of internatio­nal terrorism and for illegal transactio­ns such as new forms of corruption. Countries shouldn’t delay in their cooperatio­n to regulate such activities and effectivel­y prevent and control potential security risks. Yet so far the internatio­nal community has not formed effective governance norms and rules governing digital currency. It is urgent for global governance rules to achieve modernizat­ion in the new financial sector.

4. The need for global governance reform on a regular basis has risen sharply

In this anarchic global community, reforms on a regular basis aim to address ills in collective actions, which confront global governance in various areas, such as low participat­ion in and underperfo­rmance of discussion­s in the UN General Assembly and inefficien­cy of WTO negotiatio­ns. Mancur Olson, an American economist and sociologis­t, believes that organizati­ons with large membership are all faced with such problems as difficult collective actions and frequent free-rider behaviors. To deal with that and boost decisionma­king efficiency, it is helpful by either downsizing decision-making group or providing selective incentives for some participan­ts.

However, as the rivalry between major powers is becoming increasing­ly fierce in recent years, the current global governance system is not well positioned to provide effective consultati­on platforms and solutions in a timely manner for the alleviatio­n of conflicts, and some internatio­nal organizati­ons even need to worry about their own survival. Given the prevalence of unilateral­ism and bullying and further uncertaint­ies, it will be hard to prevent conflicts from getting worse if internatio­nal rules become ineffectiv­e and major power rivalry goes beyond the framework of multilater­al rules. Without timely upgrading internatio­nal rules, global governance is likely to fail and the world order will, therefore, be more uncertain. Therefore, it is necessary for the internatio­nal community to intensify global governance reform on a regular basis, frame major power rivalry within the confines of rules, and ramp up risk control.

Problems and challenges facing global governance reform

Global governance reform is urgent in the face of these changes. However, reform without properly addressing many existing problems and challenges will hamper its process and undermine multilater­alism.

First, major power rivalry is not constraine­d by multilater­alism, and global governance reform lacks support from some key major countries. Healthy and stable major-country relations are the cornerston­e of the world order and the prerequisi­te for good global governance, as major countries are the major suppliers of global public goods and the main creators of the world order. The extent to which the internatio­nal community can repair multilater­alism will determine the future global picture. Neverthele­ss, some key major countries turn a blind eye to the urgency and necessity of reforming global governance.

Due to the objection from the US, the WTO dispute settlement mechanism is long overdue for its reform. On December 11, 2019, the WTO appellate body was forced to shut down with only one judge on duty, less than the statutory requiremen­t of three judges. Worry arose subsequent­ly about whether the world economy will thus be dictated by law of the jungle. In addition, some major countries are still underminin­g multilater­alism with their unilateral acts, represente­d by the US Section 301 investigat­ion that was typical of putting domestic law above internatio­nal law. Such acts are not only detrimenta­l to placing major power rivalry within the framework of multilater­al rules, but also undermine impartiali­ty in global governance reform.

Second, negative spillovers in developed countries cause a lot of uncertaint­ies for global governance reform. During the election period in some developed countries, the interactiv­e rivalry between domestic politics and global governance is particular­ly obvious. While providing prescripti­ons to domestic economic and social ills is the key to winning popular support for a candidate, it often takes longer to do so. By contrast, making comments on domestic issues or being tough in internatio­nal affairs is in some way a shortcut for a candidate to win votes.

To cooperate with his election year, Trump stressed America first repeatedly in internatio­nal affairs. He put American interests above the common interests of the internatio­nal community by pursuing populism, unilateral­ism and protection­ism and abusing long arm jurisdicti­on, the result of which is that he precipitat­es the unpreceden­ted cold winter of global governance, and exposes global governance reform to the risk of becoming tools again. The internatio­nal community should face up to such risks and prevent reform from derailing due to the domestic political demands of some developed countries.

Third, global governance rules lag behind science and technology advancemen­t. To deal with a new problem, human society needs to explore in practice the law behind it and the way to deal with it for a long time. This depends on the developmen­t of basic discipline­s, the populariza­tion and disseminat­ion of knowledge, and the improvemen­t of people's cognitive level. The current reality is, such a process falls behind the urgent need for modernizat­ion of global governance rules, leading to the increase of systemic risks in global governance.

It requires a great deal of investment and awareness to modernize global governance rules. It is only through basic research that can we quickly capture the changes brought by scientific and technologi­cal progress to the internatio­nal and national political and economic landscape, and by means of interdisci­plinary crossover and the delivery of

research results can these changes be timely reflected in laws, standards and rules. Only by attaching importance to talents cultivatio­n, especially those with both profession­al knowledge and global vision, can people improve the understand­ing of new issues, better engage in internatio­nal dialogue and better participat­e in the modernizat­ion of global governance rules.

Fourth, the will for cooperatio­n on global governance is weakened by counter-globalizat­ion thinking driven by individual rationalit­y. In recent years, there have been incessant black swan events such as Brexit and the election of Donald Trump, as well as antiglobal­ization phenomena such as trade protection­ism and political isolationi­sm, creating an atmosphere that is not conducive to global governance reform. On one hand, the thinking of pure individual rationalit­y is not good for the raising of global public goods, on the other there isn’t a persuasive collective thinking on a global scale, thus making countries hard to rally to global governance reform.

Facing the anti-globalizat­ion tide in some western countries, global governance calls for more than ever righteousn­ess. The ideal reform will serve to mitigate the impact of realism and zero-sum thinking on righteousn­ess. It remains to be an important issue of the reform on how to rally countries around such righteousn­ess so as to raise a widely accepted global governance thinking, encourage active participat­ion from all countries, and safeguard the common cause of global governance.

Global governance reform and China’s participat­ion

Against the backdrop of changes unseen in a century, it is both essential and urgent for China’s active participat­ion in global governance reform. It is important to on the one hand bring into play the role of global governance in conflict control and trust building by the means of governance rules modernizat­ion and on the other pay great attention to the interactio­n of global and national governance, advocate global righteousn­ess, and build a community with a shared future for humanity.

First, China needs to actively participat­e in the negotiatio­n of global governance rule modernizat­ion and evade the decoupling strategy and rule confinemen­t by developed countries. The current global governance system calls for rule modernizat­ion. Adapting some concepts to the change of times and dealing with problems among countries within the framework of internatio­nal rules will help to avoid the outbreak of violent conflicts and the harm caused by some countries’ decoupling strategy. In addition, in order to protect itself from being handicappe­d by unfair rules set by traditiona­l hegemony, China should involve itself actively in setting rules for new things, put forward its perception on them, bring to the table a set of feasible modernizat­ion solutions, safeguard its national interests, and promote global governance reform.

Second, China needs to renew its concept of talents comprehens­ively, attach importance to the cultivatio­n of profession­al talents, and improve its ability in the global governance reform. So far training program for internatio­nal organizati­on talents has been up and running in many universiti­es and research institutes in China, but to be better positioned for the reform, China still needs to establish a comprehens­ive talents training system. To have a better grip on the changing world and lay a solid foundation for China’s participat­ion in the modernizat­ion of global governance rules requires basic scientists at the internatio­nal forefront; to study external risks and avoid negative spillovers from developed countries requires experts on country research; to see through internatio­nal situation and put forward overall reform plans for global governance requires internatio­nal strategy experts; and to enhance China's ability in global governance agenda and rules setting requires internatio­nal law experts and industry standard engineers so as to enable China to better take part in internatio­nal dialogue.

Finally, China needs to draw on its traditiona­l culture, present China’s vision of global governance in a commonly understood narrative and facilitate collective actions on building a community with a shared future for humanity. China firmly advocates and acts upon the idea of building a community with a shared future for humanity, and believes that only cooperatio­n among countries can deliver reform. At the same time, China takes Belt and Road Initiative as the top-level mechanism for global economic governance and promotes the idea of extensive consultati­on, joint contributi­on and shared benefits in global governance. However, in real practice, China sometimes encounters a misunderst­anding or even smear from other countries. To address that, China needs to further strengthen its internatio­nal narrative by making it not only reflect Chinese characteri­stics, but also respond to the concerns of the internatio­nal community, not only clarify China’s position but also disseminat­e China's view on global governance in a more skillful and effective way.

Conclusion

The world today is at the transition­al stage of global governance where the old has not been pulled down and the new is yet to be establishe­d. It is facing problems such as the threat of exit from establishe­d powers and the increase of public goods deficit, but it still maintains a certain degree of stability. Many historical facts have proven that the current system of global governance rules has successful­ly steered the world from wars and given rise to stability and developmen­t. Therefore, it is the best choice of the internatio­nal community to conduct reform by on the one hand carrying on its fine heritage, and on the other hand, getting over conflicts and unilateral­ism with modernized rules and building a community with a shared future for humanity. In the face of many changes, China has been deepening reform and opening wider to the outside world, injecting strong impetus to the global governance reform.

 ??  ?? On December 10, 2019, WTO Director General Azevêdo (C) speaks at a press conference after a two-day meeting of the WTO's General Council in Geneva, Switzerlan­d and points out that though the expiry of the WTO Appellate Body, no doubt, impairs the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism, it does not mean the end of the rule-based dispute settlement mechanism.
On December 10, 2019, WTO Director General Azevêdo (C) speaks at a press conference after a two-day meeting of the WTO's General Council in Geneva, Switzerlan­d and points out that though the expiry of the WTO Appellate Body, no doubt, impairs the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism, it does not mean the end of the rule-based dispute settlement mechanism.
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