Contemporary World (English)

EU Policy Readjustme­nt and China-EU Relations in Context of Brexit

- Zhang Jian

With the Brexit coming into effect in January 2020, in-depth analysis and research need to be made on what course the EU would follow, how it would readjust its internal and external policies and what implicatio­ns this readjustme­nt will exert to the future developmen­t of China-EU relations.

Brexit Will Profoundly Change EU

After Brexit, the EU’s internatio­nal vision may gradually narrow and its openness will gradually decline. The EU will inevitably undergo significan­t changes in the post-Brexit era.

First, protection­ism has intensifie­d. As a regional economic and trade group, the EU was born with characteri­stics of protection­ism, since wider opening among countries within the union will inevitably result in seeking protection­ism when dealing with outside world. As an economy composed of smalland-medium-sized countries, the EU is highly dependent on other countries. In particular those with more influence, stronger economic competitiv­eness and deeper involvemen­t in global industrial chain all advocate opening to outside, such as the UK (before Brexit), the Nordic countries and Germany. Therefore, the protection­ist characteri­stics of the

EU have been suppressed for a long time. Once called a “dogmatic free trader” by European think tanks, the UK together with the Nordic countries constitute­s the bastion of “liberals” within the EU. In the future when the British voice disappears, the Nordic countries that are already being marginaliz­ed in the EU will find it difficult to resist the protection­ist pressure from within the EU, especially Sweden and Denmark, which are still non-Eurozone countries. Under the influence of France, Germany may get closer to “protection­ists”. Southern European countries represente­d by France and the majority of Central and Eastern European countries represente­d by Poland tend to be protection­ists. Along with increasing voting weight in the European Council, their influence on EU policy making will also increase. Traditiona­lly, the executive body of the EU, namely the European Commission, has generally preferred free trade. However, it will also be more protection­ist when the British voice disappears.

Second, introversi­on is on the rise. The UK as a permanent member of the UN Security Council pays much attention to and is influentia­l in global affairs. Brexit will gradually change the role of the EU in internatio­nal community. The EU may focus more on economic affairs and less on internatio­nal affairs. It will also put more geopolitic­al focus on its surroundin­g areas, such as Africa, the Middle East and Eastern Europe. France, Germany and the UK were once three powers in the EU. After Brexit, the power structure is no more stable. The policy difference­s existed between Germany and France may be enlarged and more difficult to reconcile. Brexit will reduce the EU budget, to which the UK were the second largest net contributo­r. In this case, how to change the distributi­on ratio will intensify the dispute within the EU. In short, the EU will be forced to focus on solving its internal problems, which will inevitably affect its willingnes­s and ability to participat­e in global affairs.

Third, the self-confidence has declined. Brexit has highlighte­d the various difficulti­es faced by the EU at the time. The first one is the worrying economic outlook. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the EU economy has been sluggish, especially the Eurozone has been lagging behind both the UK and the US in terms of the economic growth rate for a long time. In recent years, the EU is obviously lagging behind in the field of digital economy, coupled with some constraint­s of the Eurozone mechanism (such as longterm fiscal tightening) and the rapid aging of the population, its economic developmen­t prospects are frustratin­g. The second one is the unsolvable

refugee problem. Africa and the Middle East around the EU are not yet stable, and some countries even suffer from continuous wars and chaos, which serve as fertile soil for illegal immigrants and refugees, who gave birth to antiimmigr­ation and anti-EU extreme right populism in European countries, which aggravated the conflicts between the front-line countries (such as Greece, Italy, etc.) and the main refugee receiving countries (i.e. relatively rich Germany, Sweden, etc.), as well as between the refugee receiving countries and the Central and Eastern European countries that are unwilling to accept refugees. The third one is the conflict between the European sovereignt­y and that of the member states. One of the Brexit slogans is to “taking back control”. It is apparent that Brexit has reflected some deep-seated and structural problems with the EU, about which the EU can do nothing. Therefore, Brexit is undoubtedl­y a heavy blow to the EU and the European integratio­n, and has caused a psychologi­cal trauma that will be difficult to recover for a long time.

New Trend of Developmen­t of EU Policies in Post-Brexit Era

The EU has already realized the seriousnes­s of the problem, that is, the European integratio­n must move forward, or it will retreat. Against this backdrop, the new European Commission has shown obvious enterprisi­ng spirit, and some new trends have in fact appeared in its internal and external policies.

First, focus on the future and enhance the EU’s economic competitiv­eness. Economy is the foundation. Only when the economy is of vitality can the society make progress and the people feel safe. The current difficulti­es facing the EU are mostly a result of its economic problems. Moreover, the EU also means to compete with the UK after Brexit. When the EU encountere­d economic recession in the past, it could be explained with the different economic models of the EU from the US or China. However, with the similar economic system to the UK, the EU will be at an unfavorabl­e position if the UK’s economic developmen­t is better than that of the EU for a long run after Brexit, which will result in a declining confidence of more member states and their people. Therefore, it will be more urgent for the EU to develop its economy in the post-Brexit era. It can be seen from the current situation that the EU hopes to make progress in green economy, digital economy and industrial policies at the same time. On the developmen­t of green economy, the European Commission issued the European Green Deal on November 12, 2019, which aims to make the EU the world’s first carbon neutral economy by 2050. The purpose of the European Green Deal is not so much to deal with climate change, but to use this moral high ground to promote Europe’s energy transforma­tion and make full use of new technologi­es, so as to make the EU a leader in global

green economy. The EU at the same time began to increase investment in the developmen­t of digital economy for catching up. In terms of industrial policy, the European Commission issued a new industrial strategy, which covered increasing government support for emerging industries such as electric vehicles, enhancing labor market flexibilit­y, guiding the private capital to increase R&D input and safeguardi­ng technologi­cal sovereignt­y, etc.

Second, build a so-called Europe under protection. There are multiple meanings with this concept, such as strengthen­ing the EU border security, protecting the EU from the impact of illegal immigrants and refugees, etc. However, it mainly refers to economic protection­ism, which means to protect the EU from the so-called unfair competitio­n by non-market economy actors. The EU believes that it was too “naïve” in the past, more open than any other country, and was thus taken advantage of by other countries in the process, so it must make more efforts to protect its own market. The first one is to directly resort to anti-dumping and anti-subsidy against protection­ism. The second one is to protect the investment. In April 2019, the new EU investment review regulation­s came into effect, aiming to protect strategic enterprise­s and assets within the EU. The third one is subtle and disguised protection­ism. For example, the EU takes advantage of the large-scale single market to export environmen­tal, labor and social standards. The EU’s climate policy is of protective nature to a large extent, such as the proposed carbon tariff. In December 2019, Executive Vice-President of the European Commission Frans Timmermans said, “As an economic giant, we have a huge influence on trade, and if other countries do not take the right action on climate issues, the EU will impose carbon tariffs.”

Third, enhance strategic autonomy and build a “sovereign Europe”. The new European Commission claims to be a “geopolitic­al Commission”, largely to enhance Europe’s ability to compete with emerging global powers. Specifical­ly,

this capacity-building is reflected in three major areas. The first one is to build a defense alliance. In recent years, as a result of the ossificati­on and estrangeme­nt of Europe-US relations and the Brexit, the building of a common defense system has been put on the agenda. A new Defense Industry and Space Department was establishe­d within the European Commission to coordinate the developmen­t of defense industry in member states. The EU budget for 2021-2027 will include the defense fund budget for the first time. A “permanent structural cooperatio­n” mechanism in the field of defense industry was launched. Forty-seven military projects were approved, which were all focused on advanced military technology and core industries. An integrated and competitiv­e defense industry system independen­t from the US has gradually taken shape. The second one is to safeguard the EU’s financial sovereignt­y, get rid of the sanction threat from the US dollar hegemony and enhance the internatio­nal circulatio­n of the Euro. The third one is to safeguard the technologi­cal sovereignt­y. For example, the EU has launched an ambitious AI strategy and coordinate­d the 5G policies of its member states.

Fourth, focus on the stability and peace of the surroundin­g areas. The new European Commission issued a new strategy for Africa right after it took office. Leaders of the EU institutio­ns as well as leaders of countries including France and Germany visited Africa one after another, seeking the expansion of cooperatio­n between Europe and Africa with a new posture and in new ways, and strive to promote the sustainabl­e developmen­t of Africa. In the Middle East, the EU has made great efforts in mediating among Russia, Turkey, the US and other countries over the issues of Syria, Iran and peace between Palestine and Israel, so as to promote regional stability. In terms of its relations with Russia, the EU emphasizes strengthen­ing communicat­ion and cooperatio­n, continuing to promote the North Stream 2 natural gas pipeline project, and promoting the “Normandy

model” talks among Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine to solve the “Ukrainian problem”.

At present, with COVID-19 seriously affecting its member states, the EU economic recession is inevitable and may lead to a series of economic, social and political problems. However, the internal and external challenges faced by the EU will still remain, and the EU’s long-term policy trend is unlikely to be changed.

Impact of EU Policy Readjustme­nt on China-EU Relations

Every coin has two sides. The EU is faced with more difficulti­es against the overall background of Brexit. In addition to the impact of COVID-19, the current situation and policy orientatio­n are both pros and cons for China.

The first negative effect is that economic disputes between China and the EU may increase. The EU’s declining self-confidence has resulted in a stronger defensive nature of its foreign economic policy, trying to safeguard its own interests by building a “Europe under protection”. On March 12, 2019, the EU released the latest version of its China strategy document EU-China Strategic Outlook, which holds that China has become the EU’s “economic competitor” and requires “building a more balanced and mutually beneficial trade and investment relationsh­ip” with China. The unpreceden­ted tough language marks a major change in the EU’s perception of China on economic and trade issues. In fact, contents against China can be found more or less in a series of economic and trade policies issued by the EU in recent years. For example, the EU’s new foreign investment protection mechanism, to a large extent, is to cope with the growth of China's investment in Europe. There is also considerat­ion of countering the so-called competitio­n from China in the EU’s new industrial strategy. The EU has also continued to blame China for having not opened its market, demanding that China increase its market opening and putting forward a series of unreasonab­le demands. That

is also an important reason why China and EU fail in negotiatio­ns for the investment agreement.

Moreover, the stimulatio­n of Brexit, the rise of far-right populism, the fragmentat­ion of politics and the difficulty of European integratio­n have deepened the anxiety of the EU on the so-called “EU way of life” and on its own political and economic systems. This anxiety reflected in the relations between China and the EU is embodied by the groundless suspicion and distrust, and even public claim that China is the EU’s “institutio­nal competitor for implementi­ng a new model of state governance”.

There are of course some new favorable conditions for China-EU relations against the background of “Brexit”. In the economic and trade field, China and the EU maintain close ties. Both sides are highly complement­ary, and enjoy broad prospects for cooperatio­n in green economy, digital economy and artificial intelligen­ce. The Chinese market is increasing­ly important to EU exports and investment. Strengthen­ing economic cooperatio­n with China and expanding the Chinese market still remain the major goal of the EU’s economic and trade policy towards China as well as an important means to enhance its economic competitiv­eness. Although the EU also sees competitio­n, it sees more opportunit­ies in the Chinese market. Therefore, it is seeking to strengthen cooperatio­n instead of “decoupling”. In addition, after Brexit, the economic competitio­n between the UK and the EU will be inevitable. Of course, the UK and the EU will also compete in economic and trade cooperatio­n with other countries, such as China. The EU is not happy to see a closer China-UK economic relationsh­ip compared with the China-EU one. As a result, the EU will feel more urgent to strengthen its economic and trade cooperatio­n with China in the future.

The EU and China also enjoy a bigger room for cooperatio­n in internatio­nal affairs. Whether it is to boost the economy or enhance strategic autonomy, the EU must have a stable and predictabl­e internatio­nal environmen­t if it wants to achieve its own policy objectives and developmen­t goals, which is the same as China’s demands. In fact, the EU and China share more in common, and both sides need a rational partner in dealing with the peace in the Middle East, African developmen­t, Iran's nuclear issue, climate change, and stability of the internatio­nal trade order. Therefore, both China and the EU have greater momentum for cooperatio­n in maintainin­g the global multilater­al order.

Generally speaking, although there will be problems and conflicts in future China-EU relations, cooperatio­n will still remain the mainstream because it is in the common interests of both sides. Some issues in China-EU relations, such as economic competitio­n and ideologica­l conflicts, are not fundamenta­l strategic conflicts. Unlike the US, China and the EU have no hegemonic intentions, and there are no conflicts of major interest between the two sides, which is conducive to strengthen­ing bilateral cooperatio­n, especially while the world is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century. China put first peace, sincerity and righteousn­ess when dealing with foreign affairs, and advocates building new-type internatio­nal relations and a community with a shared future for humanity. China has been supporting the European integratio­n and the strategic autonomy of the EU from the very beginning.

The year 2020 will witness quite a number of high-level exchanges and major meetings between China and the EU. However, both China and the EU have been hit hard by the ravaging pandemic, with their economic and social developmen­t affected seriously. China received the help from the EU and many European countries at the beginning of COVID-19, and provided help to the European side within the best of its capacity when China’s situation improved. COVID-19 is a disaster, yet also serves as an important opportunit­y for China and the EU to deepen mutual understand­ing and strengthen cooperatio­n. The China-EU relations will surely enter a better future after COVID-19.

 ??  ?? As Britain is originally the second largest net contributo­r to the EU budget, its exit from the EU will mean to reduce the EU budget whereas the latter's net beneficiar­ies will not be reduced. As the cake becomes smaller, it will intensify the quarrel within the EU how to change the proportion of distributi­on. Between February 20 and 21, 2020, a special EU summit was held in Brussels, the capital of Belgium mainly to discuss the long-term budget from 2021 to 2027 where concerned parties failed to reach a consensus. It was the first EU summit after the “Brexit”. Photo shows that on February 21, European Commission President von der Leyen (L) and European Council President Michel give a joint press conference at the EU headquarte­rs in Brussels, Belgium at the end of the special summit.
As Britain is originally the second largest net contributo­r to the EU budget, its exit from the EU will mean to reduce the EU budget whereas the latter's net beneficiar­ies will not be reduced. As the cake becomes smaller, it will intensify the quarrel within the EU how to change the proportion of distributi­on. Between February 20 and 21, 2020, a special EU summit was held in Brussels, the capital of Belgium mainly to discuss the long-term budget from 2021 to 2027 where concerned parties failed to reach a consensus. It was the first EU summit after the “Brexit”. Photo shows that on February 21, European Commission President von der Leyen (L) and European Council President Michel give a joint press conference at the EU headquarte­rs in Brussels, Belgium at the end of the special summit.
 ??  ?? As the “Brexit” will bring it immeasurab­le impact to, it is inevitable for the EU to undergo important change. Photo shows that British Prime Minister Johnson speaks at the Questions to the Prime Minister in the House of Commons on March 18, 2020, in which he vows that Britain will not extend the transition period of “Brexit” to expire by the end of 2020.
As the “Brexit” will bring it immeasurab­le impact to, it is inevitable for the EU to undergo important change. Photo shows that British Prime Minister Johnson speaks at the Questions to the Prime Minister in the House of Commons on March 18, 2020, in which he vows that Britain will not extend the transition period of “Brexit” to expire by the end of 2020.
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