Following One China policy can bolster KMT
Wu Den- yih was elected Kuomintang ( KMT)' s chairman by securing 52.24 percent of the vote, beating the other five candidates on Saturday. Wu's election was welcomed by General Secretary of the Communist Party of China ( CPC) Central Committee Xi Jinping, who in his message to Wu said that he hoped the two parties shall keep in mind the well- being of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Straits, adhere to the 1992 Consensus and firmly oppose “Taiwan independence.” Wu's cross- Straits policy and the potential changes he may bring to Taiwan's political arena have triggered widespread speculation.
Wu's stance on cross- Straits relations is similar to that of former Taiwan leader Ma Yingjeou. He is expected to adhere to the 1992 Consensus, the One China policy, maintain the status quo and develop friendly cross- Straits relations on the above basis upon assuming office.
However, unlike former KMT chairperson Hung Hsiuchu who supports unification with the Chinese mainland, Wu, although claiming that independence is not an option, has not publicly promised the same.
Hung believes that the KMT's defeat is rooted in its failure to clarify and adhere to its political ideas, and lack of resolution and resolve on its past stance on unification has contributed to the party's decreasing approval rate.
From Hung's perspective, the KMT, on the one hand, cannot remain static and always follows the Democratic Progressive Party ( DPP), and on the other, has failed to play an effective role in guiding and shaping Taiwan's public opinion. The KMT's ambiguous political stance has led to its defeat, and thus Hung has taken a clear position on unification.
Unlike Hung, Wu believes conditions for unification with the Chinese mainland are not mature enough. Earlier, Wu allegedly said that if anyone in Taiwan wants unification, he or she can just move to the Chinese mainland without “implicating the 23 million people in Taiwan,” which Wu later denied saying.
The newly elected KMT chairman is highly likely to maintain the status quo in cross- Straits relations, which he believes will bring maximum benefit to all parties concerned. Wu's ambiguous stance on unification has disappointed many of the mainland public.
How the KMT could win administrative power back from the DPP is another challenge for Wu. Tsai Ing- wenled DPP, which lists power consolidation at the top of her agenda, has spared no effort in containing the KMT's development since taking office. The Tsai administration strives to push through the “transitional justice promotion act” and established the Party Assets Settlement Committee to liquidate the KMT's assets. The committee is attempting to financially eliminate the possibility of the KMT's rise, and drag the KMT into numerous lawsuits so as to distract the party from political development.
The DPP's containment policy seems to have taken effect. While the DPP has seen poor political performances, the KMT, trapped by the committee, has failed to put forward innovative and effective political ideas, either.
If the KMT follows the DPP in cross- Straits policy and other political ideas, it will face dim political prospects going forward. The 1992 Consensus and the One China policy are prerequisites for the KMT to win power back. After all, the peaceful and sustainable development of cross- Straits relations and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation are what people on both sides of the Straits yearn for. Wu should listen to the voice of the public, adhere to the One China policy and play the role of an anti- independence fighter. Admittedly, the KMT may witness some setbacks in the short term, and will have to overcome a number of challenges to win power back from the DPP. However, the public desires peaceful cross- Straits relations. The KMT's political value will gradually increase in Taiwan if it sticks to the 1992 Consensus and the One China policy.