Global Times

HK’s slow-motion national security suicide

- By Thomas Hon Wing Polin The author is a former senior editor at the internatio­nal newsweekly Asiaweek (English) and founding editor of Yazhou Zhoukan (Chinese). opinion@globaltime­s.com.cn

Nothing underscore­s the political perversity mummifying Hong Kong better than the long-standing inaction over Article 23 of its Basic Law. Asked about rumors that she might try to pass it next year, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor reaffirmed the government’s long-standing position that there was no timetable.

Article 23 mandates that China’s premier Special Administra­tive Region (SAR) pass national security legislatio­n against sedition and other subversive acts. Hong Kong in 2018 is the only significan­t place in the world that does not have such laws. And at a time when the West is pulling out all the stops to confront, contain and subvert China, mainstream discourse in Hong Kong continues to treat Article 23 as some radioactiv­e monster, to be avoided at all cost.

That is no accident. Since Hong Kong returned to China over 20 years ago, local anti-Beijing forces have worked with the West’s agents to depict Article 23 as irremediab­ly toxic, playing on deepseated fears of the Communist Party in the territory. When the SAR last tried to pass even a watered-down version of the national security law, in 2003, the pan anti-Communists managed to muster a protest rally of 500,000 people. The show of force obliged then-chief executive Tung Chee-hwa to scuttle the legislatio­n and resign not long after.

Since then, Article 23 has been the ultimate political hot potato in Hong Kong. Anytime anyone dares mention it publicly, much less touch it, he or she is bludgeoned down by the pan anti-Communist coalition of politician­s, media, educationi­sts, student activists and even the judicial system. Their battle cry has been: “Article 23 will threaten our freedoms!”

Meanwhile, over the years, the pan anti-Communists have certainly exercised their freedoms – to indoctrina­te an entire generation of Hongkonger­s against their own nation, to orchestrat­e anti-Beijing eruptions like the Occupy Central movement in 2014 and the violent Mongkok riots of 2016, and to facilitate the rise of a previously inconceiva­ble Hong Kong independen­ce movement. They have carefully and systematic­ally abused the freedoms under One Country, Two Systems for their own nefarious ends, which ultimately hurt Hong Kong and prevent the entire community from making progress. If Article 23 were to be passed, of course, their life work would be in jeopardy.

Hong Kong’s anti-Beijing subversive­s needn’t worry, however. Despite recent calls by mainland officials to get tough on independen­ce advocacy, Hong Kong leaders continue to pussyfoot around the matter. For Lam even to acknowledg­e that she and her officials have been working hard to create favorable conditions to discuss Article 23 is an act of great political courage, by Hong Kong standards. Naturally, “we do not have a timetable for enacting the legislatio­n yet.”

So Hong Kong, once the glittering “Pearl of the Orient” and can-do capital of the world, continues its slow-motion decline.

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