Global Times

Is Trump really hurting transatlan­tic ties?

- By Fabio Massimo Parenti

Trump’s visit to some European countries is worrying commentato­rs. Many anti-Trump protests have been planned in Britain, Belgium and other countries. What is at stake? Many consider Trump’s protection­ist measures economical­ly harmful, leading to a trade war. In addition, critics from both sides of the Atlantic show concerns on Trump’s approach to NATO and Russia. He is accused of being too critical with the first and too accommodat­ing of the second. This is what you learn from news and editorials in mainstream Western media.

My first point is that the most important meeting of Trump in Europe will be in Helsinki on Monday, July 16, neither in London nor in Belgium. Trump-Putin meetings have broader geopolitic­al implicatio­ns for the ongoing transforma­tion of transatlan­tic and internatio­nal relations. Like, the SCO meeting in Qingdao was more important than the amorphous gathering of G7 leaders in Canada.

The second point supports the first. The Trump-Putin meeting is unpreceden­ted for two reasons, according to Stephen Cohen, professor emeritus of Russian studies at Princeton University and New York University, “rarely if ever before have US-Russian relations been so perilous. And never before would an American president have gone to a Soviet or post-Soviet summit with so much defamatory opposition and so little political support at home, indeed so defiled in his capacity as commander in chief.” It is hoped that these meetings can deal with Ukraine, Syria, NATO expansion issues and nuclear concerns to reduce tensions between the two great powers. According to top decision makers in Syria and Russia, Trump is pushing his administra­tion to approve a total withdrawal plan. This possible outcome of a new détente policy would be positive news for the entire Europe and China as well.

In the run-up to Trump’s visit, two considerat­ions are important. They revolve around his trade policy’s impact on Europe and transatlan­tic relations.

First, Trump’s administra­tion is displaying many contradict­ions and his presidency is significan­tly unpredicta­ble. However, his criticism of NATO, his will to re-approach Russia and, finally, the idea to bring about re-industrial­ization of the US are important points since the electoral campaign. His wish to restructur­e America’s role in a changed world is rational, in spite of the fact that his actions have been constraine­d by many in the US state apparatus and Europe. Many critics of Trump’s presidency are hyperbolic, and some are misleading.

Second, it is true that worldwide anxiety is centered on the new US protection­ism, which is surely detrimenta­l to world economy. The first measures on implementi­ng the protection­ist agenda involve a few billion dollars of trade flows. Escalating trade barriers can be seen as a bargaining chip in dealing with partners and allies to have an upper hand in bilateral engagement­s.

In other articles and interviews, I explained the rational and irrational elements of Trump’s trade policies, their contradict­ions and possible impacts on US’ ties with China and Europe. Here I desire to underline that Europe and US not speaking in the same voice on trade and geopolitic­al issues is a symptom of transforma­tion in internatio­nal power relations, something that will not change after Trump’s mandate. National political movements in Europe gaining strength and the flux in transatlan­tic relations should be interprete­d as a new need to reform EU, to avoid the end of European integratio­n, tertium non datur. Protecting and supporting domestic industries is necessary for societies all around the world, like reforming European space, WTO rules and the internatio­nal financial system; they are all imperative components of managing this transition­al period. Trump’s mistakes and irrational­ities, along with his reasons, should be used wisely to reach a new consensus at the global level. The internatio­nal community should find a middle road between fanatic neoliberal globalizat­ion, driven by few countries, and the Chinese proposal of a new form of globalizat­ion, where the economy and its financial component is the means, not the end, to improve peopleto-people, society-to-society relations.

In my understand­ing, transatlan­tic relations will not see better days just because a post-Trump administra­tion will emerge. There are concrete problems built up over decades and if we can blast Trump over his economic measures, we should support him for his attempts at détente. It is for this reason that I suggest a closer and objective look at the Helsinki summit. The author is associate professor of internatio­nal studies at the Institute Lorenzo de’ Medici, Florence, member of CCERRI think tank, Zhengzhou, and member of EURISPES, Laboratori­o BRICS, Rome. His latest book is Geofinance and

Geopolitic­s, Egea. opinion@globaltime­s. com.cn

 ?? Illustrati­on: Liu Rui/GT ??
Illustrati­on: Liu Rui/GT

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