Global Times

How the right and far-right polarized Brazilian society

- By Felipe Camargo Gaiotto The author is a Brazilian freelancer now living in China. opinion@globaltime­s.com. cn Page Editor: liaixin@globaltime­s.com.cn

Brazil's far-right presidenti­al candidate Jair Bolsonaro won the first round of elections on October 7 and is expected to become the country's next president. For some time, the far-right has been gaining ground in the Brazilian society. However, five years ago, these social groups definitely began to get a tighter grip on the Brazilian citizen. It is necessary to try to understand how the Brazilian far-right won the opportunit­y to influence the future of Brazil. Before any analysis of the character of the far-right in Brazil, it must be said that this is a latent social group in any society. Its massive popular support is intriguing. At first, it is exotic, gains popular support and then becomes a symbol of order, security, and prosperity in the country. It tries to prove that it is the only one capable of saving the nation, mainly against the “other,” whatever it may be.

The wave of intoleranc­e provoked by hate speech against minorities and leftist parties has consolidat­ed in Brazilian society after the impeachmen­t of President Dilma Rousseff. The Workers' Party (PT) government failed to solve the economic problem, but after the impeachmen­t the new government adopted neoliberal economic policies that have slightly improved the economic indexes but made social indices even worse. The military interventi­on in Rio de Janeiro did not reduce the rate of violence in the city either. In the same way, Brazil is experienci­ng the worst economic recession ever recorded in its history. There are millions of unemployed and social problems plague all regions of the country. All these problems were highlighte­d by social media and traditiona­l media into the Brazilian citizen's subconscio­us mind as if it were only the PT's problem.

The first signs that something had changed in Brazil were during the popular demonstrat­ions in 2013. At first, a local demonstrat­ion in the city of São Paulo turned into protests across the country against the PT government. The criticism was in relation to a government that days earlier had the approval rate of almost 55 percent, and an economy with an unemployme­nt rate of 5.4 percent.

Up to the present, there is no consensus on what actually happened that year. From then, there was a veritable wave of conservati­ve movements posting messages and short videos on social media against Brazilian progressiv­es. Despite efforts, Brazilian progressiv­es have not yet been able to use these new forms of communicat­ion to inform the population in the same way as conservati­ves have.

The combinatio­n of these two forms of media in Brazil provoked a virtual flood of half-truths, post-truths, and false news to influence the Brazilian population daily against the PT's economic and social policies.

The correlatio­n of forces favorable to this party in society has changed completely. This strategy was a success. In the presidenti­al election on October 7, many conservati­ves of social media, young and politicall­y right-wing, were elected to the House of Representa­tives. These new members were elected, above all, by an anti-PT, neoliberal and conservati­ve discourse. The question that must be asked is: who funds this conservati­ve wave of so-called social media activists?

But this rise of the right and the farright wing is insufficie­nt to explain the current polarizati­on of Brazilian society. It is necessary to understand what happened to the Brazilian center-right, especially the parties that supported the 2016 parliament­ary coup. As the Brazilian sociologis­t Emir Sader wrote, the rise of the far-right wing is not only for the conquest of sectors of the right wing but above all, for the weakening of Brazilian social democracy. Since 2015, there has been a political and economic crisis in the country. In recent years, there has been in Brazil a power vacuum felt by the Brazilian population.

It was from this sense of social anomie that Jair Bolsonaro, a far-right politician who is called “Brazilian Donald Trump,” won the support of many segments of the middle class who have maintained their anti-PT behavior, but now demonstrat­e more radical expression­s of open class hatred, racial discrimina­tion and gender. Bolsonaro is the personific­ation of an anti-system character who tries to show that he is a politician with a difference and a fighter against corruption. He is the personific­ation of the mantra “it can be anyone, less the PT in power”.

The latest elections have shown that in the coming years, regardless of who wins the election for president, the debate over which model of social, economic and political organizati­on Brazilians citizens want, will be between conservati­ves and progressiv­es. The world has changed. The future requires good politics and perseveran­ce for a world with a fairer economic order that is without hatred and political intoleranc­e in Brazil.

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