Success of ‘ one country, two systems’ lies in responsible attitude of central govt
GT: Looking back in the past 25 years, what misunderstandings are there in Western narratives, or among some Hong Kong people themselves, about the city’s history and present?
Lau: There’s a very alarming situation in Hong Kong – most people have very little and a twisted understanding about the history of the city and of China as a whole. We noticed that Chinese books about Hong Kong’s history are very scarce, and the existing ones mainly focus on society and culture. Rarely did those books view Hong Kong’s history from the perspective of politics and governance. Thus, most Hong Kong people’s understanding of the city is rooted from books written by Westerners, especially British.
Through those historical narratives, the West beautifies the legitimacy of colonial rule and that of unequal treaties. Some even attributed Hong Kong’s achievements in the past 100 years to British- style rule of laissezfaire and non- intervention. Such narratives are very popular in Hong Kong, yet they are extremely biased and wrong, as they do not touch the essence of colonial rule, and turn a blind eye to the racial suppression, racism and violent rule the territory experienced.
Another prevalent misunderstanding about Hong Kong’s history and presence is that Hong Kong, even after it has returned to the motherland, is still subject to “Western special protection” and a member of the Western camp. Such wrong ideas can be seen from laws made by the US, such as the US- Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992 and a slew of laws in recent years passed by US Congress.
GT: What are misperceptions in Western narratives about
Hong Kong’s political system?
Lau: Amongst the interpretations of “one country, two systems,” the most ridiculous one is to regard the SinoBritish Joint Declaration as the basis of the “one country, two systems” and the Basic Law. Such misunderstandings have made the UK, the US and some other Western countries believe that they shoulder “moral responsibility” over Hong Kong, and can hold China accountable for violating so- called international protocols, as they accused China of violating the joint declaration.
The West repeatedly claims that the joint declaration remains effective after Hong Kong returned to the motherland. However, this claim lacks legal basis. In fact, the Constitution is the legal basis of the “one country, two systems” arrangement and the Basic Law, not the joint declaration. First of all, the central government formulated the Basic Law for HKSAR according to the Constitution; second, the central government established the HKSAR in accordance with Article 31 of the Constitution.
The UK has no legal basis to e excoriate China by simply citing the SinoSin British B iti hJ Joint i tD Declaration, l ti not tt to mention other Western countries, such as the US. During negotiations between China and the UK, the central government always prioritized safeguarding national sovereignty, so how was it possible for the central government to allow the UK to interfere in Hong Kong’s affairs after it was returned?
Another common misunderstanding is to see a “high degree of autonomy” under the “one country, two systems” as “complete autonomy,” which is unlimited extension of the “high degree of autonomy,” and to deny the central government’s power and responsibilities in Hong Kong. Under such a twisted understanding, some Hong Kong people are unwilling to accept interpretations of law by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress.
Moreover, the central government’s exercise of the power of supervision of the implementation of “one country, two systems” in HKSAR is also deemed as a “transgression,” and decried by those people as “sabotaging Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy,” and “demolishing one country, two systems.”
GT: How do you evaluate the practice of “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong for the past 25 years?
Lau: We must go back to the very beginning: why we created the “one country, two systems” and the purpose it is designed to achieve.
The first goal is to reach national unity. There were no major conflicts during the process of Hong Kong returning to the motherland, and the “one country, two systems” made the international community have confidence in Hong Kong’s future, so we achieved it.
The second is to maintain the original capitalist system and lifestyle in Hong Kong, and keep the city’s prosperity. That goal was also realized. In some areas, Hong Kong goes higher, such as strengthening its status as a global financial and service center. Its adherence to the rule of law was widely recognized by the international community.
In general, although the central government exercises overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong, the city still enjoys a wide range of powers, and a high degree of autonomy. Beijing holds the constitutional power endowed by the Constitution as well as the Basic Law, to ensure national security is guaranteed. In the past 25 years, the practice of “one country, two systems” has been successful in Hong Kong.
Why it is successful? I think it should attribute to the responsible attitude of the central government in implementing the system, as well as its cautious attitude in exercising constitutional power.
GT: The “one country, two systems” arrangement, which is to remain unchanged for 50 years, will usher in the remaining 25 years. What is the most urgent task for Hong Kong for the next 25 years? And what should it watch out the most?
Lau: In the next few years, Hong Kong will face an unprecedented hostile external surrounding and a challenging internal situation.
On one hand, the US has upped the ante of cracking down on China. The previous development opportunities and “special treatment” Hong Kong gained from the West will be gradually taken away, and the West will exert harsher and more frequent crackdown and sanctions toward Hong Kong. Under such circumstances, Hong Kong must find its new position, engage in the country’s wider development plan, strengthen its economic connections with Asian countries, especially Southeast Asian countries and actively participate in the Belt and Road Initiative in order to gain wider development space and more momentum of economic and industrial growth.
On the other hand, Hong Kong’s internal challenges have been simmering in the past 10 years by infighting. Now, the newest challenge comes from COVID- 19 and the social conflicts which come with it, making problems concerning people’s lives grow more and more serious.
This thorny situation requires a government that is powerful, patriotic, courageous, responsible, far- sighted and creative, to build prestige by achieving good results. Meanwhile, the HKSAR government should also include talents from within the government, society, the mainland and the world, to give them suitable positions and hone their skills.