South China Morning Post

US-China chip war will end with small wins, many losers

Stanley Chao says although Biden’s tech sanctions are a setback, do not count the Chinese out

- Selling to China

Inever thought US-China relations could get any worse. Then, in October, the Biden administra­tion pulled the pin from its grenade by announcing sweeping restrictio­ns on the sale of advanced semiconduc­tor technology to China. The aim is to thwart China’s chip-making capabiliti­es and advancemen­ts in space, the military and supercompu­ting.

The fallout will overwhelm any token of goodwill from Joe Biden and Xi

Jinping’s meeting at the G20 in Bali. Biden’s sanctions are even more severe than his predecesso­r Donald Trump’s. They not only bar American citizens from working with Chinese semiconduc­tor companies but also forbid foreign companies using embedded American technology to export cutting-edge semiconduc­tors and equipment to China.

The sanctions will certainly hit China hard in the short term. But do they pose a real threat to China’s long-term aspiration­s? Perhaps – though it is just as likely they will backfire on the US.

If history offers any clues, China faces a tough road ahead in gaining prominence for semiconduc­tors. Whether it is joint venture developmen­ts or forced technology transfers, China’s success to date has required outside assistance.

Huawei, China’s leading multinatio­nal, could not have become the largest telecoms equipment manufactur­er without an exodus of scientists from Canada’s Nortel. Thanks to joint ventures with German, Japanese and US car firms,

China today boasts the world’s largest automotive market. The same goes for the consumer electronic­s, mining and medical technology industries.

What happens when China tries to go it alone? It usually fails. Unable to find a joint venture partner, the state-owned Commercial Aircraft Corporatio­n of China (Comac) has spent 14 years failing to build a Boeing 737-like commercial aircraft.

Comac in September finally received certificat­ion from China’s aviation regulatory agency. Aviation experts consider the C919 too outdated and expensive to compete globally.

On top of needing foreign assistance, China would face a daunting task in trying to create its own semiconduc­tor supply chain. Semiconduc­tor independen­ce would require China to match America’s dominance in chip design software, Taiwan’s and South Korea’s prowess in chip manufactur­ing, as well as the Netherland­s’ and Japan’s virtual monopoly on the equipment needed to produce cutting-edge chips.

Experts believe China will never be able to move up the chip value chain, without the equipment only available from the Dutch company ASML.

But let’s not totally count China out. Underestim­ating China and the will of its people has been a losing bet for the past 30 years. I give China more than a puncher’s chance to reach a level of respectabi­lity and competitiv­eness.

Investment capital certainly won’t be a factor holding China back. Beijing announced in 2020 that it would invest US$1.4 trillion in high technology over the next five years, with much of it in the semiconduc­tor space. This makes Biden’s Chips and Science Act, a US$52.7 billion plan to revitalise US semiconduc­tor manufactur­ing, a drop in the bucket.

China’s nascent semiconduc­tor industry isn’t exactly starting from scratch. Before the sanctions, China was learning from the world’s best tech companies. China’s state media reported that all the chips in their new space station and the Mars rover that landed on the red planet in 2021 were made in China.

There is also a geopolitic­al angle to this contest. The United States, aware that most of the semiconduc­tor talent resides within its sphere of influence, hopes to strong-arm nations into making an economic choice between it and China. Many experts, however, question whether the US still wields that kind of influence.

Beijing is betting on America’s weakened clout; it has a point. Just look at the recent sanctions on Russia. India, Spain, Germany and Japan have actually imported more from Russia since the invasion of Ukraine began in February.

Finally, to sell to China, corporatio­ns might find ways to create technology without “Made in USA” components.

Today, US and foreign firms alike are seriously vetting the de-Americanis­ation option, making product prototypes, and mapping out business strategies. Nikkei Asia recently reported that Japanese and Dutch semiconduc­tor companies could produce equipment without the use of any US technology.

The US and China are preparing for a long battle. Don’t expect a clear-cut winner. Some nations will side with the US, while others may look to skirt the sanctions. More than likely, the US will dominate the chip technology needed for AI and military applicatio­ns as China takes the lead in microproce­ssors, and the memory and commodity chips used in consumer electronic­s, cloud computing and electric vehicles. Both countries will claim some small victories, but ultimately, as most economists say about trade wars, there’ll be no winners. Only losers.

Who loses? You and me. We’ll have to contend with more expensive iPhones, PlayStatio­n shortages and fewer of the features we’ve come to expect from Teslas.

That kind of reminds me of the Covid days, only much, much longer.

China would face a daunting task in trying to create its own semiconduc­tor supply chain

Stanley Chao is the author of

(2018) and managing director for All In Consulting, assisting companies in their China business strategies. He has lived and worked in China for over 20 years

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