South China Morning Post

Ten reasons China and Russia differ on internatio­nal rules

Wang Yiwei says the two nations have a close strategic partnershi­p but contrastin­g outlooks

- Wang Yiwei is Jean Monnet Chair Professor, and director of the Institute of Internatio­nal Affairs, at Renmin University of China

The second Multipolar­ity Forum was held in Moscow last month, attended by representa­tives from 130 countries. During a dinner at the forum, a top Russian official asked the Chinese representa­tive why China was able to rise within the Western rules, but Russia could only achieve its goals by overturnin­g those rules. This highlights Russia’s grievances about why it cannot integrate into Europe even though its leaders see themselves as part of Europe.

How did China do it? By manipulati­ng the rules? Of course not. Beijing has been playing by the rules. Since joining the World Trade Organizati­on, China has developed quickly.

However, it has advanced not just because it has benefited from the rules of globalisat­ion and other norms. The Chinese people’s diligence and wisdom, the nation’s vast size, and the advantages of its system of socialism with Chinese characteri­stics have all played a role.

It is necessary to compare the Western concept of a “rules-based internatio­nal order” with the outlook of emerging nations. During a panel discussion at the 60th Munich Security Conference in February, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmany­am Jaishankar was asked about his country buying oil from Russia and then exporting it to Europe in spite of Western sanctions on Moscow.

“Is that a problem?” he replied. “Why should that be a problem? If I am smart enough to have multiple options, you should be admiring me.”

This provides some insight into how differentl­y Brics countries and the West view the rules. However, there are also difference­s among the Brics nations of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Exploring those difference­s is important to understand the rules-based internatio­nal order, the China-Russia strategic partnershi­p of coordinati­on, and how cooperatio­n happens within multilater­al groups like Brics and the Shanghai Cooperatio­n Organisati­on.

Specifical­ly, there are difference­s between China and Russia with regard to their views of internatio­nal rules.

First, China seeks harmony and common good, while Russia pursues difference­s, a view rooted in Eurasianis­m. Russia has tried to integrate into Europe but has failed to be accepted. As a representa­tive of Eastern civilisati­on, China is obviously different from Europe. China’s history is replete with exchanges of knowledge between civilisati­ons, which point to how it has focused on harmony.

Second, China is a “tai chi” culture, where the emphasis is on pushing an opponent without using force. Russia is a “bear” culture. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s 2024 re-election campaign adverts, for example, feature footage of bears overlaid with Putin’s speeches about “not giving up the taiga”, an indication that Russia will safeguard its home and not back down when fighting enemies.

Third, China leverages the rules of the world order and strives to internalis­e them through its actions and ideas. Russia, by contrast, is a product of externalis­ation, having expanded to what it is today with influence from the Mongol empire.

Fourth, China and Russia differ not only on internatio­nal law and norms but also behave differentl­y on the world stage. China stresses inclusiven­ess whereas Russia’s relationsh­ip with the West has always been more confrontat­ional.

Fifth, since ancient times, China has emphasised the importance of mutual relationsh­ips and the whole world. Russia, on the other hand, is focused inwards.

Sixth, China has a comparativ­ely restrained national character passed on from its early days as an agricultur­al civilisati­on. Russians have inherited the tendency to move to seek expansion from their nomadic ancestors.

Seventh, when it comes to engaging with other countries, Chinese culture stresses the importance of upholding justice in the face of wrongdoing. Meanwhile, Russia’s approach is often about beating others at their own game.

Eighth, China observes global rules itself rather than just asking others to follow them. In China, there is a common saying that nothing can be accomplish­ed without norms or standards. Russia asks others to follow the internatio­nal rules and considers itself exempt from such rules.

Ninth, China takes a forward-looking view and detests imperialis­t thinking. Russia tends to look backwards, focusing on reclaiming its lost territory and retaining its imperialis­t mindset.

When Germany was reunited, the West did everything it could to give Moscow the impression that Nato would not expand to include countries east of Germany. Yet, Russians believe the West tricked the Soviet Union and broke its promises by adding more members.

Finally, China seeks to improve the internatio­nal order while Russia wishes to challenge the West. One religious leader who attended the forum told me Russia’s top bishop, the Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, has had a huge influence on Putin’s plans to reshape the world order. Under these plans, Russia would first join hands with China to destroy Nato. Then, Russia would revive the Eastern Orthodox

Church and, together with the Islamic world, become the great liberator.

Highlighti­ng these difference­s is not intended to portray China-Russia relations in a negative light. Rather, they should be borne in mind when examining the bilateral relationsh­ip and the two countries’ positions in the global system.

China leverages the rules of the world order and strives to internalis­e them through its actions and ideas

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