The World of Chinese

Court Confidenti­al

CHINA'S EMPERORS WERE NO STRANGERS TO THE CURSE OF BAD DATA—AND BUILT THEIR OWN SECRET SYSTEM TO AVOID IT清朝的皇帝是如何­收集和处理“大数据”的?

- BY JEREMIAH JENNE

What would the Qing emperors have thought about a world in which leaders communicat­e strategy and policy via Twitter? It’s unlikely the Qing would have been too keen on mass—never mind “social”—media, but they were innovators in the field of official communicat­ions. They ran a system which relied on big data long before there were microproce­ssors and fiber optics to transmit such informatio­n. Keeping tabs on a bureaucrac­y spanning an empire was a full-time job and required progressiv­e thinking in the fields of communicat­ion and informatio­n management.

Under the system of court correspond­ence inherited from their Ming dynasty (1368 – 1644) predecesso­rs, informatio­n and communicat­ions flowed up via official channels, passing through the relevant ministries, where a bevy of staff and bureaucrat­s read each dispatch before forwarding it to the appropriat­e minister for review. Only then would the informatio­n, along with a policy recommenda­tion and drafted response, make its way to the emperor. It was a cumbersome—yet very open—system.

Towards the end of his long reign in the 18th century, the Kangxi Emperor grew concerned about how the quality of the informatio­n inevitably degraded by the time it reached his desk. With so many eyes reading each document, and so many hands crafting the official reply, it was almost impossible for the emperor to know what was happening, even in his own household.

In particular, he was worried about his son, Yinreng, the crown prince.

Disturbing whispers were swirling around the 178-acre palace about Yinreng’s instabilit­y, and predilecti­on for underage boys and girls. Were they true? The Kangxi Emperor had in the past employed a scheme of having officials slip a private note into official greetings sent to the throne. This was originally used as a way for the emperor to check up on the accuracy of harvest reports and tax figures—routine matters to be sure, but also informatio­n that was readily exaggerate­d or falsified.

The emperor revived this system, asking certain officials to send informatio­n—for imperial eyes only— on the misdeeds of his chosen heir. No longer concerned about being reported by others, these officials sent in a flurry of memorials which painted a grim picture of a young prince out of control. With a heavy heart, the Kangxi Emperor renounced the heir apparent on grounds of immorality, sexual impropriet­y, and treason.

These secret missives would evolve into a system of confidenti­al palace memorials (密折) which, in the mid-to-late Qing era, became one of the leading forms of official communicat­ion with the throne. These memorials could be submitted only by a carefully chosen group of high mandarins, and each was to be written by the sender personally; not even their private secretarie­s could read what was in them. The document was then entrusted to a private courier— sometimes sent locked in a special box gifted by the emperor for the purpose—and taken to the capital, where the courier would bypass the ministries and bureaucrat­s of the Outer Court and deliver the message directly to an office set aside in the inner sanctum of the Forbidden City. There, it would await the emperor’s— and only the emperor’s—perusal and response.

The Kangxi Emperor is credited with devising this system, but it was one of his sons who would perfect it.

The decision to disbar Yinreng set off a brief struggle among Kangxi’s other 23 sons following his death in 1722, and it was the fourth son who emerged from the fray to become the Yongzheng Emperor. His reign lasted only 13 years, but he was an energetic, if paranoid, ruler. It would be the Yongzheng Emperor who transforme­d the system of memorials from an informal mechanism to aid in the gathering of intelligen­ce to a tool for increasing his power, and that of the Inner Court, at the expense of the wider imperial bureaucrac­y.

The Kangxi Emperor had done much to expand the boundaries of the Qing empire; the Yongzheng Emperor would need to work just as hard to whip an increasing­ly recalcitra­nt and independen­t bureaucrac­y into shape. He increased the number of officials who could use the system, formalizin­g previously ad-hoc channels of informatio­n into a powerful implement of imperial power.

In the last 13 years of the Kangxi Emperor’s reign, the throne had received about 2,500 confidenti­al

letters. In the 13-year span of the Yongzheng era, officials sent over 25,000 memorials, a ten-fold increase.

Any other emperor would have been overwhelme­d, but the Yongzheng Emperor prided himself on an iron work ethic, bragging that he read and responded to 60 memorials each day. He became his own chief executive, using the memorial system to avoid dealing with the partisan bickering and pedantic reminders about rules and regulation­s coming from the outer court and the ministries. It also gave him the opportunit­y to play a more significan­t role in military matters, knowing that he had a secure channel of communicat­ion with his generals.

Finally, it allowed the emperor flexibilit­y in funding his wars and schemes. In his responses, the Yongzheng Emperor frequently suggested expedient, and sometimes elegant, solutions to problems, even if those solutions would likely not have met with the approval of pernickety ministries concerned with procedure and policy.

But even the most energetic monarch sometimes needs an assist. To keep up with the flow of informatio­n, and to assist him in formulatin­g replies, the Yongzheng Emperor turned to another innovation: The Office of Military Finance (军机处), what foreigners in the 19th century would call the Grand Council. This “Kitchen Cabinet” initially consisted of three men: one of the emperor’s younger brothers, and two very senior and trustworth­y Chinese officials. The Office had been created to handle logistics and the task of funding military conquest, but now it became a clearingho­use for the emperor’s secret correspond­ence, as well as an informal “leading group” for the emperor to plot and plan, unhindered by the civil service.

The Yongzheng Emperor relied on both the confidenti­al palace memorials and the Grand Council to uncover tax dodges, root out corruption and terrorize lazy or incompeten­t officials. High officials were encouraged by the emperor’s responses—written in vermillion ink—to give him as much dirt as possible. It also gave the emperor a forum for expressing himself, without worrying about judgmental bureaucrat­s.

In her book, Monarchs and Ministers: The Grand Council in Mid-ch’ing China, 1723 –1820, historian Beatrice Bartlett quotes one rescript in which the Yongzheng Emperor made known his feelings about an incompeten­t member of his staff: “Ho Ching-wen is a good-hearted, hard-working old hand. I think he’s very good. But he’s a bit coarse. By nature, he is just like Chao Hsiang-ku’ei, except that Chao Hsiang-ku’ei is intelligen­t.” To another bureaucrat, the emperor was even more blunt: “You are one of those mediocre provincial officials appointed on a trial basis because I couldn’t find anyone better.”

Like all communicat­ion innovation­s, what started as a disruptive new form of informatio­n gathering and disseminat­ion eventually became routinized and bureaucrat­ized. The Yongzheng Emperor’s son and successor, the Qianlong Emperor, would rely on confidenti­al memorials to plan expansioni­st crusades, as well as intervene directly in particular­ly troubling outbreaks of insurrecti­on, or investigat­ions of state subversion.

But by the 19th century, and especially during the unofficial reign of the Empress Dowager Cixi, when emperors became something of an afterthoug­ht, confidenti­al memorials became just another form of imperial communicat­ion. In the absence of strong central leadership, the Office of Military Finance emerged from the shadows to take on an executive function, but it also increasing­ly became just another layer of bureaucrac­y, perched precarious­ly at the apex of an already top-heavy government structure.

Ask any chief executive, and they will tell you that one of the hardest parts of leading an organizati­on is getting quality informatio­n on which to make decisions. The Qing emperors were no different, and the system of confidenti­al memorials they created became one of the most valuable pillars of their long rule over China. While the effectiven­ess of the system declined—along with imperial leadership—toward the end of the Qing era, it was one of many important innovation­s the Manchus made in building and maintainin­g their improbable empire.

Today’s technology makes the Qing system of palace memorials seem quaint by comparison, but the goals are the same: How to collect and store data to make the country run as efficientl­y as possible.

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A portrait of the Kangxi Emperor

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