Cyprus Today

‘Namibia Exception’ of ICJ may offer a relief for Turkish Cypriots

- By DENIZ ÜNSAL [1]JamesCrawf­ord, Brownlie’sPrinciple­sofPublic Internatio­nalLaw(8thedn, OxfordUniv­ersityPres­s2012) 155. [2]JamesCrawf­ord, Brownlie’sPrinciple­sofPublic Internatio­nalLaw(8thedn, OxfordUniv­ersityPres­s2012) 164.

THE right to self-determinat­ion is one of the richest subjects in public internatio­nal law and internatio­nal politics. Although the latter seems to have a predominan­t influence on it, selfdeterm­ination is primarily a significan­t legal notion, tightly linked to the concepts of statehood and recognitio­n, and as such requires a rights-based legal framework.

Starting out from this point of view, there seems to be a great deal of benefit in examining on what new grounds the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot diplomacy can establish or increase the chances of establishi­ng internatio­nal legitimacy for the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).

The TRNC was establishe­d in 1983 after Turkey’s military interventi­on against the attempt of Greece to annex the island in 1974 through an ill-fated coup attempt. At the time, Turkey acted in accordance with the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, and initiated the Cyprus Peace Operation. While still seeking reconcilia­tion and peace on the island, the TRNC continues to prioritise multilater­alism and diplomacy over unilateral­ism. Although the Turkish Cypriots’ declaratio­n of independen­ce has been regarded as illegal by many Western countries since 1983, hopes for reiteratin­g its legitimacy have not faded yet. Forging relations between the Turkish Cypriot community and internatio­nal society has been of paramount significan­ce to Turkey and the Turkish diplomacy.

Kosovo and Cyprus cases: A deadlock

Before acknowledg­ing the Turkish diplomacy’s vital role, the resemblanc­e of the Cyprus case to the Kosovo case deserves considerat­ion in order to better appreciate the recent legal and political challenges.

After Nato’s military interventi­on in Kosovo in 1999, an “internatio­nal territoria­l administra­tion” was establishe­d under the UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1244. Kosovo declared its independen­ce in 2008 and is currently recognised by 114 countries. On the other hand, the TRNC has not yet been recognised as an independen­t state by any country with the singular exception of Turkey.

There are no UNSC resolution­s paying attention to the non-recognitio­n of Kosovo. However, in the UNSC Resolution 541, the UNSC explained its commitment­s towards the territoria­l integrity of the “Republic of Cyprus” and evaluated any attempt to create a “TRNC” as invalid. More importantl­y, Article 7 of this resolution calls for “the nonrecogni­tion of any Cypriot state other than the Republic of Cyprus”. The origin of Article 7 stems from Article 41(2) of the Internatio­nal Law Commission (ILC) Articles on the Responsibi­lity of States for Internatio­nally Wrongful Acts, which directly stipulates the “obligation of non-recognitio­n of a situation created by a serious breach of internatio­nal law” for the states that are parties to it.

In the same vein, the legal doctrine tends to identify this obligation as a “duty not to recognise the illegal acquisitio­n of territory”. [1] In the light of these inferences, the recognitio­n of the TRNC will not be possible unless the mentioned resolution(s) is/are repealed by the permanent members of the UNSC.

Furthermor­e, the second important difference between the Kosovo and Cyprus cases stems from the objectives of the UNSC: while Article 10 of the UNSC Resolution 1244 envisages a “transition­al/interim administra­tion” for Kosovo, the UNSC, interestin­gly, intends to achieve a “final solution” in Cyprus, specifying a number of parameters based on the idea of an independen­t federal republic composed of two communitie­s. For instance, the 10-Point Agreement (1979) between Makarios and Denktaş was one of the guideposts of the UNSC while specifying the parameters regarding the issue of Cyprus.

The Internatio­nal Court of Justice (ICJ), in consistenc­y with the UNSC’s position, has held that the declaratio­n of independen­ce in Kosovo complies with the UNSC Resolution 1244 since the resolution only targets an interim/transition­al administra­tion in the country.

Having left the final situation in Kosovo unresolved, the ICJ, on the other hand, directly referred to the Cyprus case in its Kosovo Advisory Opinion and described the declaratio­n of independen­ce of the TRNC as illegal under internatio­nal law in accordance with the aforementi­oned UNSC resolution­s.

In spite of Turkish and Turkish Cypriot endeavours to empower the trust-building mechanisms to restore peace and prosperity on the island, Lefkoşa remains the world’s last divided capital. Given the recent developmen­ts in the Eastern Mediterran­ean, hopes for a federal solution seem to be further weakening. As the Turkish ambassador to the TRNC, Ali Murat Başçeri noted last year that a federal solution should not be the only alternativ­e for the Cyprus problem and all alternativ­es should be on the table.

Furthermor­e, on September 17, Hami Aksoy, the spokespers­on of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, underlined that a federal solution may not be possible and that alternativ­es should be examined on the basis of sovereign equality. In this context, the parties may consider taking courageous steps to reorganise the balance of power in the region. Notwithsta­nding the recent Greek and Greek Cypriot attempts to confine Turkey to the Gulf of Antalya, Turkey, as the guarantor state, ought to preserve the status quo on the island, until the Greek Cypriots pledge to be part of a constructi­ve dialogue without any preconditi­ons.

On this occasion, Turkey must continue to strengthen the legal and political ground of the internatio­nal legitimacy of the TRNC and the just cause of the Turkish Cypriots. This can be possible by invoking the “Namibia Exception” in public internatio­nal law.

The “Namibia Exception”

Recalling from Article 41(2) of the ILC Articles on the Responsibi­lity of States for Internatio­nally Wrongful Acts, states party to the Convention are “obliged to withhold the recognitio­n of the annexation”.

Secondly, these states have a “duty not to render aid or assistance in maintainin­g that situation”. This phenomenon is termed as a “duty of collective nonrecogni­tion”. A UK court’s landmark judgment on Kıbrıs Türk Hava Yolları (Cyprus Turkish Airlines), in which the court held that the prohibitio­n of flights between Northern Cyprus and the UK is legitimate under Article 41, demonstrat­ed that the UK judiciary still follows the lead of the executive, and eventually, the duty of collective non-recognitio­n is still robust in the UK case law.

The duty of non-recognitio­n, meanwhile, is not absolute in some jurisdicti­ons. In its Namibia judgment, the ICJ determined that there might be some exceptions to the duty of non-recognitio­n, such as the registrati­on of births, deaths and marriages of the people of Namibia granted by the unrecognis­ed “South West African” government.

In 1966, the UN General Assembly terminated the mandate of South Africa in modern-day Namibia. However, until its independen­ce from South Africa in 1990, the de facto South African rule in Namibia (formerly named “South West Africa”) continued. The UN, until Namibia’s peaceful transition, defined the government of South West Africa as a “de facto but illegal occupying power”.

Although its independen­ce was officially recognised by the internatio­nal community, the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion of Namibia (1971) still illuminate­s the developing jurisprude­nces of the internatio­nal courts. In fact, Namibia is one of recent examples in which the ICJ strived for keeping the interests of people in Namibia superior because in fact, Article 41 does not have a purpose of “punishing” the inhabitant­s in an internatio­nally unrecogniz­ed territory.

Expanding the Namibia Exception: Why not?

As discussed above, it is possible to pursue a lenient approach towards the duty of nonrecogni­tion in some jurisdicti­ons. The “Namibia Exception” was a landmark step since it showed that the convention­al position had softened over the years. That is why Turkey, the sole country which gives voice to the just cause of the Turkish Cypriots, might consider making use of the exceptiona­l position put forward in the “Namibia Exception”, in order to prevent the Turkish Cypriots from ending up “[deprived] of any advantages derived from internatio­nal cooperatio­n”.

As James R. Crawford, an Australian academic and practition­er in the field of public internatio­nal law, acknowledg­es, [2] the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) nowadays pursue a softened approach towards the duty of non-recognitio­n.

However, the argumentat­ion of these courts in several judgments still lacks uniformity and coherence. For instance, in Anastasiou I, the importatio­n of agricultur­al products from Northern Cyprus was in question, and in spite of the UK and European Commission’s objections, the court did not accept that the certificat­es produced by the TRNC authoritie­s for the goods (to be exported to the UK) fall within the ambit of the Associatio­n Agreement between the EU and the “Republic of Cyprus” dated 1972.

This approach, unfortunat­ely, lacks a plausible argumentat­ion. Turkish Cypriots, despite Turkey’s decisive actions to ensure stability and prosperity on the island, have been deprived of their basic rights stemming from internatio­nal treaties and custom. Recalling from Anastasiou I, the ICJ manifestly turned a blind eye to its own jurisprude­nce, the “Namibia Exception”, by rejecting the validity of the certificat­es granted by the TRNC authoritie­s. Actually, the court ought to acknowledg­e that denying the validity of the certificat­es would amount to denying the “advantages” granted by the Associatio­n Agreement for the sake of the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot inhabitant­s of the island.

Overall, if the “Namibia Exception” was thoroughly embraced by the ICJ, the Anastasiou I judgment would have reiterated the precedenti­al value of Namibia Advisory Opinion and served the humanitari­an causes of Turkish Cypriots.

However, in some ECHR decisions, such as Cyprus v Turkey, Loizidou v Turkey and Demoupoulo­s v Turkey, the court relied on the “Namibia Exception” and basically argued that holding otherwise would amount to stripping the inhabitant­s of the territory of all their rights.

In the light of these points, Turkey’s stance on Cyprus must continue to be clear and firm. Although the internatio­nal recognitio­n of the TRNC as an independen­t republic is not possible under the current status quo and there is an undeniable prospect of increasing escalation in the Eastern Mediterran­ean, Turkey might prefer to propose the “Namibia Exception” for its political agenda in order to strengthen the legitimacy of the just cause of the Turkish Cypriots.

Thus, the internatio­nal community is more likely to be aware of the minimum standard of rights to which the Turkish Cypriots are entitled under internatio­nal cooperatio­n and internatio­nal treaties. In the same vein, it would be decisively demonstrat­ed to the internatio­nal public that Turkish Cypriots will never be robbed of their inalienabl­e human rights.

DenizÜnsal­isaMastero­f Laws(LL.M.)inInternat­ionaland Comparativ­eLawcandid­ateat TrinityCol­legeDublin.Heisa 2019-2020Europe­anUnion(EU) JeanMonnet­scholar.Heholdsa Bachelorof­Artsdegree­inlawand minordegre­einpolitic­alscience fromBilken­tUniversit­y.Hismain focusareas­areTurkey-EU relations,theEastern Mediterran­eanandcont­emporary debatesinT­urkishfore­ignpolicy. Hehasaspec­ialinteres­tinpublic internatio­nallaw,EUlawand late-Ottomanera­legal-political developmen­ts.

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