Financial Mirror (Cyprus)

The onshoring myth

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The decade that preceded the 2008 financial crisis was marked by massive global trade imbalances, as the United States ran large bilateral deficits, especially with China. Since the crisis reached its nadir, these imbalances have been partly reversed, with America’s trade deficit, as a share of GDP, declining from its 2006 peak of 5.5% to 3.4% in 2012, and China’s surplus shrinking from 7.7% to 2.8% over the same period. But is this a temporary adjustment, or is long-term rebalancin­g at hand?

Many have cited as evidence of more durable rebalancin­g the “onshoring” of US manufactur­ing that had previously relocated to emerging markets. Apple, for example, has establishe­d new plants in Texas and Arizona, and General Electric plans to move production of its washing machines and refrigerat­ors to Kentucky.

Several indicators suggest that, after decades of secular decline, America’s manufactur­ing competitiv­eness is indeed on the rise. While labor costs have increased in developing countries, they have remained relatively stable in the US. In fact, the real effective exchange rate (REER), adjusted by US manufactur­ing unit labor costs, has depreciate­d by 30% since 2001, and by 17% since 2005, suggesting a rapid erosion of emerging markets’ low-cost advantage – and giving America’s competitiv­eness a substantia­l boost.

Moreover, the shale-gas revolution in the US that took off in 2007-2008 promises to reduce energy costs considerab­ly. And America’s share of world manufactur­ing exports, which declined by 4.5 percentage points from 2000 to 2008, has stabilized – and even increased by 0.35 percentage points in 2012. Upon closer inspection, however, the data for 1999-2012 present little evidence of significan­t onshoring of US manufactur­ing. For starters, the share of US domestic demand for manufactur­es that is met by imports has shown no sign of reversal. In fact, the offshoring of manufactur­ing increased by 9%.

This trend holds even for those sectors dominated by imports from China, where labor costs are on the rise. Indeed, for sectors in which Chinese imports accounted for at least 40% of demand in 2011, the import share has increased at a faster pace than it has for manufactur­ing overall.

Furthermor­e, if relative labor costs are an important driver of America’s terms of trade (the relative price of exports in terms of imports), more labor-intensive sectors should have experience­d a larger decline. But the data provide little evidence of this.

The only solid evidence of an increase in US competitiv­eness stems from the sharp rise in output of shale gas. Industries with large energy requiremen­ts, like chemical manufactur­ing, have experience­d a much smaller increase in import share than less energy-intensive industries like computers and electronic products. This suggests that energy-intensive sectors are more likely to experience onshoring.

More broadly, the data on US domestic production seem to be inconsiste­nt with the behavior of the REER and its suggestion of a significan­t increase in competitiv­eness. To a large extent, this discrepanc­y reflects a low and delayed exchange-rate pass-through into US import prices, linked to America’s unique advantage of having more than 90% of its imported goods priced in its own currency, with dollar prices remaining unchanged for ten months at a time. Even conditiona­l on prices being renegotiat­ed, the pass-through is quite low, with a 10% depreciati­on of the dollar appearing as a cumulative 3% increase in import prices after two years. The disconnect between America’s terms of trade and the far more volatile REER is also consistent with low and delayed exchangera­te pass-through.

The evidence

is

clear:

Claims

that

manufactur­ing

is returning to the US simply do not hold water. Of course, given that the increase in emerging economies’ labor costs and the decline in American energy prices are recent developmen­ts, import shares could begin to decline in a few years. But, with that outcome far from certain, the US cannot rely on a rapid increase in manufactur­ing competitiv­eness to underpin its economic recovery.

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