Financial Mirror (Cyprus)

“Radical Islamism is a movement, not an organisati­on, which makes it much harder to defeat”

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At its heart, the United States’ strategy was to identify terrorist groups and destroy them. The assumption was that terrorism required an organisati­on. Progress in this strategy meant identifyin­g an organisati­on or a cell planning terror operations and disrupting or destroying it. Since terrorist organisati­ons are relatively small at the operationa­l level, the strategy has resembled police work: the first step is to identify the person active in the organisati­on. Having identified him, send drones or SEALs to capture or kill him.

Operationa­lly, the strategy worked. Terrorists were identified and killed. As the organisati­ons were degraded and broken, terrorism declined - but then surged. These endless intelligen­ce and special forces operations may have been brilliantl­y carried out, but the strategic goal of the United States has not been achieved. The war is not being won and a stalemate is equivalent to a loss for the United States.

The essential problem has been a persistent misunderst­anding of radical Islamism. It is a movement, not an organisati­on. Or to be more precise, radical Islamism is a strand of Islam. How large or small it is has become the subject of a fairly pointless debate. Its size is sufficient to send American forces halfway around the world and it is capable of carrying out attacks in Europe and the U.S. Whether it is a small strand or a giant strand doesn’t matter. What matters is that it cannot be suppressed, or at least has not yet been suppressed.

One of the problems in American thinking is that it still draws from the U.S.’ experience with European and Palestinia­n terrorism prior to 1991. These groups were heavily influenced by the Soviet model and created organisati­ons that were to a great extent hermetical­ly sealed. The organisati­ons had three characteri­stics. First, although sympathise­rs might be recruited with a careful vetting process, membership in the organisati­ons was formal in the sense that you either were a member or you weren’t. Second, the organisati­ons protected themselves by staying, to the extent possible, at arm’s length from any movement. They were obsessed with preventing penetratio­n. Finally, they were heavily compartmen­talised so that members and operations were known only on a need-to-know basis.

These organisati­ons were intended to be sustainabl­e over an extended period of time. But they had a flaw. If they could be penetrated (however difficult it might be) by informants or electronic monitoring, the entire organisati­on could unravel. Either it would be completely destroyed through operations or the sheer paranoia of knowing it was penetrated somewhere would cause internal conflict or lead it to become inert.

In some cases, these organisati­ons had no movement supporting them or the movement was so thin that it was not an issue. This was particular­ly true with European terrorists. The Palestinia­ns had a substantia­l movement, but it was so fragmented and penetrated that the organisati­ons distanced themselves from the movements. These organisati­ons were over time broken by Western security services and bitterly factionali­sed to the point different factions could be used against each other.

For 15 years, the operationa­l focus for the U.S. has been the destructio­n of terrorist organisati­ons. The reason for this is that destroying a particular group creates the illusion of progress. However, as one group is destroyed, another group arises in its name. For example, al-Qaida is being replaced by the Islamic State. The real strength of Islamist terrorism is the movement that the organisati­on draws itself from and that feeds it. So long as the movement is intact, any success at destroying an organisati­on is, at best, temporary and, in reality, an illusion.

In addition, because there is a movement, the main organisati­on can organise terror attacks by sending individual­s who know little of the details of the organisati­on to carry out operations. But because the movement consists of individual­s who understand what needs to be done, jihadist organisati­ons do not have to recruit people to carry out attacks or teach them how to do so. The complexity of 9/11 was never repeated and the level of simplicity has increased over time. That means that members of the movement who have never had contact with the organisati­on can carry out attacks. From the point of view of the organisati­on, these are ideal attackers. They cannot be traced back to the organisati­on, they are not under surveillan­ce and there are sufficient models for them to draw on without needing to ask for advice.

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In the old model, all attacks were coordinate­d by the central organisati­on. In the new model, most organisati­ons have no contact with the people organising operations and attacking the center will not diminish the attacks. Of late, there have been absurd discussion­s about whether particular terrorists had contact with other terrorists, or whether they had been “radicalise­d.” I assume this means the person was persuaded to become a terrorist. In a movement, you are aware that there are others like you and who think like you. You do not need formal attachment­s to respond to the ideology of the movement.

However, the idea of jihadism has permeated the movement and Muslims are aware of this. Most may reject it but others embrace it. You don’t need a training programme to absorb what is all around you. If an individual doesn’t know anyone who is part of this ongoing movement, there is enough on the internet, or enough speculatio­n in the media to draw a map for anyone who wants a map drawn. The idea that if a Muslim shoots 20 people, but has had no contact with a terrorist organisati­on, he might not have done it for ideologica­l reasons might be true. But it forgets that he does not need contact with a mentor to plan an attack, especially a relatively simple one. The movement and the atmosphere is filled with the idea.

The movement is not an organisati­on any more than conservati­sm or liberalism is. There may be organisati­ons attached to it, but it is more of a social tendency. However, its members still communicat­e with each other. There are leaders in all these movements, although there may not be managers.

This tendency in Islam makes the movement difficult to defeat. It cannot be surgically removed. Some members of the movement don’t wear a uniform. It is also impossible to attack the movement without attacking Islam as a whole. And attacking Islam as a whole is difficult. There are 1.7 billion Muslims in the world and any of them can believe in radical jihadism. And the believers in jihadism are serious people, moved by their own fate. We would like to dismiss them as fools. If they were, they would be easy to defeat.

It is obvious that the convention­al special operations approach hasn’t worked and won’t work. It is also obvious that a general war on Islam is impossible. What is left is difficult but the only option. It is to bring pressure on Muslim states to make war on the jihadists and on other strands of Islam to do so as well. The pressure must be intense and the rewards substantia­l. The likelihood of it working is low. But the only way to eliminate this movement is for Muslims to do it.

They may not want to, and they may fail if they try. But more drone strikes and announceme­nts that another leader of some group has been killed won’t work. Our options are down to having to “live with it” or fomenting a civil war in the Islamic world. In the end, we might wind up with “live with it” anyway.

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