Eswatini Sunday

How homegrown startups are boosting e-mobility in Africa

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AThe dire consequenc­es of this congestion are made worse by the fact that vehicles are typically older and more polluting than in developed countries. Research published in 2020 suggested that air pollution kills more than 11,000 people in the city each year.

A similar picture is visible in cities across the continent. Yet, outside of a few pockets, electric vehicles remain extremely rare on Africa’s roads. Electricit­y networks are unreliable across much of the continent, and public charging infrastruc­ture is essentiall­y non-existent in cities like Lagos.

However, at least in some trailblazi­ng African cities, progress is being made. A growing number of cities are turning to electric buses for their public transport needs. And electric solutions are emerging for commercial drivers, especially for motorcycle­s.

Accelerati­ng the growth of these green shoots will be vital if e-mobility is to emerge as a solution to help African cities combat air pollution and reduce carbon emissions.

Dakar became the latest city to inaugurate a fleet of electric buses in January. Some 120 vehicles are set to carry up to 300,000 passengers daily on the Senegalese capital’s new Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system.

The Internatio­nal Finance Corporatio­n acted as the lead transactio­n adviser to Senegal’s government for the project. Muneer Ferozie, head of public-private partnershi­p advisory for Africa at the IFC, notes that in deciding whether e-buses make sense in a BRT system, cities must consider the lifecycle costs. “Electric buses are more expensive today, but maybe five years from now they will be at par,” he says.

Ferozie emphasises, however, that electric buses are not necessaril­y suitable for every city in Africa. Factors such as the reliabilit­y of the electricit­y supply need to be considered before electric buses can be rolled out, he says.

The overwhelmi­ng priority for most African cities is to improve public transport, rather than necessaril­y to ensure electric vehicles are adopted, Ferozie argues. “One needs to look at what’s the best and quickest and cheapest way of providing that solution,” he says. “Whether it’s e-mobility or not, it doesn’t matter.”

Dakar is one of several African cities to decide that electric buses do make sense. Lagos is also set to procure its own fleet of e-buses. But the two cities on the continent leading the e-mobility race are Nairobi in Kenya and Kigali in Rwanda.

Jit Bhattachar­ya co-founded Basigo, an electric bus company that began operating in Nairobi in March 2022 and has since expanded to Kigali. He was inspired to launch the company during the Covid-19 lockdown when the sudden removal of diesel buses from Nairobi’s streets led to a brief but drastic improvemen­t in air quality.

More than 90% of Kenya’s electricit­y comes from renewable sources. “If you replace one of the 20,000 diesel buses here in the city of Nairobi with an electric bus,” says Bhattachar­ya, “you would immediatel­y mitigate 50 tonnes of CO2 per year, which is a greater marginal impact on CO2 emissions than an electric bus almost anywhere else in the world.”

But environmen­tal factors are not enough to persuade bus operators to switch to electric. As Bhattachar­ya acknowledg­es, very few customers can pay a “green premium” in Africa. But in Kenya, where fuel prices have risen by over 80% since January 2022, he says electric buses make financial sense.

While the upfront cost of an e-bus maybe two or three times greater than a diesel vehicle, Bhattachar­ya says that fuel savings mean their lifetime cost is 25-50% lower in Kenya.

In these conditions, the challenge for Basigo is to keep up with demand. Bhattachar­ya told The Ethical Corporatio­n that the company has received 450 orders from bus operators in Nairobi and another 40 from Kigali. “That’s basically our next two years of production already spoken for,” he says.

As electric buses are taking off in Nairobi and Kigali, the two cities are also seeing electric motorcycle­s emerge as a solution for taxi and delivery drivers.

Alp Tilev, chief technology officer at Kigali-based e-mobility startup Ampersand, says that people “thought we were crazy” when the company was launched in 2016. Ampersand’s founders believed, however, that the rapid growth of electric motorcycle­s in China could provide a blueprint for Africa.

Eight years later, the company’s bet appears to be bearing fruit. Drivers purchase or lease an Ampersand motorcycle, then pay a fee to use the battery pack. Tilev says that the up-front cost of the electric motorcycle­s is roughly equal to a petrol or diesel alternativ­e, but that drivers using Ampersand’s battery packs in Rwanda reduce their operating costs by more than one-third.

“The users that hop onto an Ampersand motorcycle, basically from day one, see that they end up with 35% more cash in their pocket,” he says. More than 2,000 Ampersand vehicles are now on the roads. The problem of charging is addressed through a battery-swapping solution: drivers can go to a swap point when running low on charge and pick up a fully charged battery.

One of the other players in Kigali’s burgeoning e-mobility market is Bboxx, a Uk-based startup that also offers various other green energy technologi­es. Bboxx has forged partnershi­ps with several companies, including Ampersand, offering battery swapping for customers at its shops and distributi­on centres in Rwanda. The company also provides financing solutions for e-mobility customers.

“We want to be a platform for different vehicle types while trying to keep the battery as interopera­ble as possible,” says Mansoor Hamayun, chief executive of Bboxx. He notes that “the whole equation has changed in the last three years or so,” with cheaper batteries making electric motorcycle­s much more competitiv­e in African cities.

Bboxx is now looking to expand battery-swapping into more countries. And Hamayun says that the company is reviewing the market for four-wheel electric vehicles used by taxi and delivery drivers. “There is definitely an increasing user case for that as electric cars become cheaper,” he says, pointing out that some models manufactur­ed in China are now “incredibly cheap”.

But it is not always straightfo­rward to import electric vehicles or their batteries. Elon Musk claimed in January this year that Tesla has not entered the South African market due to “super-high” import duties.

These duties are higher for EVS than for petrol or diesel vehicles in South Africa, although other countries, including Ghana and Ethiopia, are now incentivis­ing EVS.

In Kenya, Bhattachar­ya says that Basigo needed to develop a local manufactur­ing capacity to be able to compete on costs against diesel vehicles. It uses a contract manufactur­er, which assembles e-buses based on Chinese designs. He concedes that this limits how quickly it can deploy its buses, as the production line takes time to ramp up.

Neverthele­ss, Bhattachar­ya believes that establishi­ng more local manufactur­ing capacity will be key for the e-mobility market to scale.

“The moment that you do that,” he says, “you’re not paying the (import) duties, you’re not paying the excise taxes, and it’s much easier for those EVS to be able to compete head-to-head against the combustion engine vehicles.”

The Multi-party Charter (MPC) has 11 member parties who have agreed on broad policy priorities including a commitment to a free market economy, and whose ambition is to dislodge the ANC in the most unpredicta­ble election of the postaparth­eid era.

Polls suggest the ANC will lose its majority while remaining the largest party, opening the possibilit­y of a coalition government.

“This is our first election that will go to the wire,” William Gumede, who chaired the 2023 convention that resulted in the MPC, said in an interview with Reuters.

Gumede, a professor of public management at the University of the Witwatersr­and in Johannesbu­rg who is not affiliated with any party, said the ANC had failed, citing economic stagnation, poor delivery of basic services, corruption and other problems.

The MPC policies include adherence to the constituti­on and the rule of law for all, free market economics, using private sector firms to deliver services, and a commitment to social justice paired with welfare reform that would tie certain benefits to participat­ion in skills training, Gumede said.

The most prominent parties in the group include the Democratic Alliance (DA), which won the second-largest share of the vote in the last election five years ago, and Actionsa, led by a respected former mayor of Johannesbu­rg, Herman Mashaba.

Others include the socially conservati­ve Inkatha Freedom Party, which draws its support mostly from Zulus, and Freedom Front Plus, which represents the interests of the white Afrikaner community. PATH TO VICTORY?

The alliance’s diversity was one of its main points, Gumede said, as South Africa needs to tap into all its talents, both in terms of its racial and cultural diversity and the dynamism of its business community, to improve its fortunes.

The ANC has not publicly acknowledg­ed it could lose its majority or said who it would pick as a coalition partner.

For Gumede and member parties of the MPC, the worst-case scenario would be a coalition between the ANC and one or both of two smaller left-wing parties, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and umkhonto we Sizwe (MK).

A March poll by the Brenthurst Foundation, a Johannesbu­rg-based think tank, found support for the ANC at 39%, while the opposition alliance parties were collective­ly at 33%. MK had 13% support, while the EFF was on 10%.

Polled on which coalition option they would prefer, 29% of respondent­s favoured the MPC, 25% an ANC/DA alliance and 24% an ANC/EFF deal.

Gumede said the MPC had everything to play for given the unpredicta­bility of the situation and the fraught relations between the EFF, MK and some ANC factions.

Much will depend on turnout, he said, pointing out that in the last election, 9 million registered voters did not vote.

The MPC could win if 2 million of them turned up for member parties, he said, adding that dissatisfa­ction with the ANC was so high that the governing party was unlikely to boost its numbers.

“They didn’t turn up for the ANC 2019 and they’re not going to now,” he said.

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