Parties never called for King’s removal before 1973 – NNLC
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M– Political parties in Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland, are said to have never called for the King’s removal before 1973.
Political parties consisting of Imbokodvo National Movement (INM), the Swaziland Progressive Party (SPP), Swaziland United Front (SUF) and lastly Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC) had one mandate, which is to elevate the late Sobhuza II from being a paramount chief to being a Monarch.
According to NNLC’s President Sibongile Mazibuko, there was no enmity between the political parties and the late King Sobhuza II as all of them were keen to elevate him and in the process liberate the country from the British colonialism.
“We were in one voice as in 1967 we held a very powerful protest march whereby we were together with the Imbokodvo National Movement which was led by the late King Sobhuza II, whereby British troops came through the Matsapha National Airport to try and stop it. We had one vision, one dream that is to be in an independent free Swaziland (now Eswatini).”
A constitutional committee agreed on a constitutional monarchy for Swaziland, with self-government to follow parliamentary elections in 1967. Swaziland became independent on September
NNLC President Sibongile Mazibuko making a submission during a public hearing.
6, 1968. Swaziland’s first post-independence elections were held in May 1972.
election
Worth noting is that the pre-independence general election was held on April 19 and 20, 1967. Unlike the 1964 general election to the first Legislative Council, in which seats were allocated on racial lines, the 1967 election was based on a common voters’ roll.
“King Sobhuza II had strongly pleaded for national unity and had assured minority groups us saying they were worried that learning was stalling for their children,” he said.
Asked if the employer did not suggest a remedy to save the academic loss to pupils, the ministry told them they did not know what to do because government had already employed a teacher. “They told us that if they were to employ another teacher, what would happen to the one who was already employed for the class,” he said.
examinations
Thwala could not respond to questions on possible emergency interventions ahead of the final examinations, saying such a question could best be dealt with by the school.
The school Head teacher, Sabelo Manyatsi, referred all questions to the regional education officer (REO). “Whenever I am confronted by such questions, I refer people to the REO. Speak to him,” he said.
The REO, Sizwe Kunene, also said the issue could best be responded to by the Principal Secretary in the Ministry of Education and Training Bheki Gama.
When asked why the pupils that colour and race would play no role in an independent Swaziland,” clarified the NNLC president.
According to the 1966 census, Swaziland had a population of 395 264, with an electorate estimated at 250 000. All adult males and females of 18 years and over qualified to vote or to be voted for.
“Four political parties contested the election. The principal parties were the Imbokodvo National Movement (INM) - the majority party in the Legislative Council, and the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC). The INM was the King’s party and all loyal supporters of the Ngwenyama were expected to vote for it. The INM promised to protect national unity and Swazi customs and traditions,” said the former Swaziland National Association of Teachers (SNAT) president.
rural
According to Mazibuko, Imbokodvo had countrywide support, especially in the rural areas, and enjoyed financial backing from the country’s emerging business class as well as from the National Party government of South Africa. “The INM thus had notable advantages over its opponents. The two smaller parties were the Swaziland United Front (SUF) and the Swaziland Progressive Party (SPP).
“The NNLC projected the image of a modern political party espousing Pan-Africanism,” were made to sit in class without a teacher, Gama said he believed that the school had made plans to keep the pupils learning in the absence of Dlamini. “I think the REO is better placed on the issue of remedies. I would like to believe that the school had a plan in place,” he said.
Asked if Dlamini was now back at school, he responded: “Mbongwa is a teacher based there and he has a duty to report at his workplace.”
Gama said the school committee representatives may have had a meeting with the TSC which was dealing with the matter and not his office. “If they did, then it was within their rights because it is their children who are affected,” he said.
Dlamini’s first day at Moyeni High School was in early October last year after a two-year suspension by the TSC for alleged absenteeism.
He had been transferred from Mhubhe High School, also in the Manzini Region. Before his transfer to Moyeni, he had challenged it at the Industrial Court, saying he had not been consulted, as a matter of principle.
Two weeks ago government said it would effect a no-work-no-pay rule on Dlamini which implied that he would not receive his salary for the 109 days in which he allegedly absented himself. This triggered a series of protest marches by sympathetic teachers who want government to reinstate Dlamini’s salary.
In June Dlamini was also called to answer why he had warned teachers not to go to work to be safe from possible violence after a ‘commander’ of the solidarity forces had issued a statement saying June 28 would be a public holiday.
narrated Mazibuko.
She pointed out that the NNLC advocated a parliamentary democracy with the King as head of State. Its support was rooted mainly in the urban areas, among workers and the educated.
The Swaziland Progressive Party, with a history dating back to the late 1920s, made no impact on voters. The showing of the SUF, an offshoot of the SPP, was equally poor.
spoiled
The NNLC president disclosed that the enmity between the State and the political parties emanated after the King’s Proclamation of the 1973 Decree where the other four parties were banned.
The Constitution of September 6, 1968 was suspended on April 12, 1973 by a State of Emergency decree imposed by King Sobhuza II, the father of the current King Mswati III.
The decree gave absolute power to the monarchy and banned organised political opposition to royal rule.
According to Mazibuko, the late King Sobhuza II betrayed the trust of the other four political parties by proclaiming this decree.
“It was through this decree that defiance and enmity began to show its face among the other political parties except the Imbokodvo National Movement. This decree gave birth to calls of having the King dethroned as it was clear that through it, he had taken all the power to himself, something which we never