Capital (Ethiopia)

Pentagon move to block cooperatio­n with The Hague marks a critical moment for US imperialis­m

Washington can either save its imperialis­t projects or its moral image – but not both

- By Bradley Blankenshi­p

The Pentagon has blocked attempts by the US federal government to share alleged Russian war crimes in Ukraine with the Internatio­nal Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, according to a March 8 report by the New York Times.

The rationale behind this decision, according to the paper, is that “American military leaders oppose helping the court investigat­e Russians because they fear setting a precedent that might help pave the way for it to prosecute Americans.” This has now spawned an intraagenc­y battle within the administra­tion of President Joe Biden over what’s right and wrong.

According to the NYT and officials they spoke to, “the rest of the administra­tion, including intelligen­ce agencies and the State and Justice Department­s, favors giving the evidence to the court.” President Biden has yet to make a decision as to whether the US will stick to its commitment to help the European initiative to prosecute alleged Russian war criminals or avoid opening that can of worms altogether. The National Security Council reportedly cobbled together a cabinet-level “principals committee” to discuss the matter on February 3 but, according to officials quoted by the NYT, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin was the dissenter. He fears that his own men could one day be tried at The Hague should American adventuris­m once more rear its ugly head. Even past events such as the invasion of Iraq, or current illegal operations like the occupation of Syria and drone bombings in Pakistan, could lead to ICC prosecutio­ns of Americans.

The United States has long had a strange relationsh­ip with the ICC. Set up under the 1998 Rome Statute to investigat­e allegation­s of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity, the Court has been a stage for events in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. While the US facilitate­d negotiatio­ns leading to the Rome Statute, it was only one of seven countries – along with China, Iraq, Israel, Libya, Qatar, and Yemen – that voted against it. President Bill Clinton did sign the statute in 2000 but did not submit it to the US Senate for ratificati­on until further details could be learned about the functions of the Court. After reaching 60 ratificati­on votes in 2002, President George W. Bush informed the United Nations that the United States formally withdrew its signature from the Rome Statute just after his invasion of Afghanista­n and before his invasion of Iraq. President Donald Trump went as far as to sanction individual members of the Court via executive order over their investigat­ions into alleged American war crimes in Afghanista­n. However, President Biden has since reversed those sanctions and the charges were dropped. The US military and associated think tanks have long leveled criticisms against the Court for lacking jury trials and being incompatib­le with the US Constituti­on. For example, the conservati­ve Heritage Foundation remarked that “United States participat­ion in the ICC treaty regime would also be unconstitu­tional because it would allow the trial of US citizens for crimes committed on US soil, which are otherwise entirely within the judicial power of the United States. The Supreme Court has long held that only the courts of the United States, as establishe­d under the Constituti­on, can try such offenses.”

Despite this complicate­d and largely averse relationsh­ip, the US has grown to recognize the reality of the ICC and has taken some steps to cooperate with it in the past, notably under President Barack Obama. In December 2022, Congress enacted a rare provision related to the Court that allows the US government to help with “investigat­ions and prosecutio­ns of foreign nationals related to the situation in Ukraine, including to support victims and witnesses” within its larger appropriat­ions bill.

This essentiall­y created a legal, and perhaps moral exception, where the US could have its cake and eat it too with regard to the ICC. When the Court issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin for alleged “war crimes” last week, Biden himself reacted positively, saying, “I think it’s justified” and that while the US doesn’t recognize the ICC either, “I think it makes a very strong point.” For its part, Moscow has denied these allegation­s and said that the Court doesn’t hold jurisdicti­on in Russia since it isn't a party to the Rome Statute. Nonetheles­s, as Secretary Austin must be aware, this same process being leveled against Russia could easily be used against US soldiers one day given the country’s exhaustive list of foreign invasions and extraordin­arily welldocume­nted history of war crimes, many of which were revealed by Wikileaks. Whichever way President Biden moves will have far-reaching consequenc­es for America’s broader image among allies and adversarie­s alike. If he sides with the Pentagon, the US government will be seen as the ultimate hypocrite one that casts judgment on Russia for its alleged wrongdoing­s while working double time to save its own skin when it comes to the worst imaginable crimes. But if he sides with the rest of his administra­tion, this may lead to the prosecutio­n of American soldiers one day in the future. And that will have a serious impact on the ability of Uncle Sam to continue its forever wars with impunity.

Bradley Blankenshi­p is an American journalist, columnist and political commentato­r. He has a syndicated column at CGTN and is a freelance reporter for internatio­nal news agencies including Xinhua News Agency.

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