Fiji Sun

SAMOA’S CONSTITUTI­ONAL CRISIS: UNDERMININ­G RULE OF LAW

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While the global community struggles to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic, Samoa is embroiled in a constituti­onal crisis. The South Pacific nation is frequently lauded for its good governance and regional leadership. The current crisis, however, has exposed fault lines around race and identity that could significan­tly undermine Samoa’s democratic institutio­ns and future developmen­t. Immediatel­y prior to declaring the country’s COVID-19 State of Emergency on 20 March, Samoa’s Prime Minister, Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegao­i, introduced into Parliament the Constituti­on Amendment Bill 2020, Judicature Bill 2020, and Lands and Titles Bill 2020. These bills bring about major constituti­onal changes that would undermine judicial independen­ce and the rule of law, with significan­t implicatio­ns for human rights.

The changes would potentiall­y empower the executive to dismiss judges without grounds or due process. Currently, judges may only be removed via two-thirds vote of Parliament on grounds of misbehavio­ur or mental impairment. The parliament­ary process would thus be replaced by an unlimited dismissal power exercised by the Judicial Services Commission, the majority of whose members would be appointed by the executive. Such changes would fundamenta­lly alter the carefully calibrated relationsh­ip between the arms of government, removing the judiciary’s role as an independen­t check on abuses of power.s. The amendments would reshape Samoa’s courts by elevating the specialise­d Lands and Titles Court (LTC) into a stand-alone judiciary coequal to the Supreme Court. Creating a second judicial branch of government is unpreceden­ted in a modern democracy. The lack of an apex court to resolve difference­s between courts creates significan­t potential for legal uncertaint­y and conflict.

Lands and Titles Court

The LTC exercises jurisdicti­on over Samoan customary land and matai (chiefly) titles. As in other Pacific nations, these issues are deeply cultural and often highly contentiou­s. LTC cases are presided over by lay judges who are accomplish­ed in Samoan custom. The two-tiered LTC currently has its own appeal court, with the Supreme Court exercising supervisor­y jurisdicti­on for breaches of fundamenta­l human rights. These rights, including freedom of religion and the right to a fair hearing, have been enshrined in Samoa’s constituti­on since independen­ce in 1962.

The bills would give the LTC “supreme authority” over Samoan customary matters, and it would apply only “customary law”. Common law and equity, which guide judicial decision-making across Commonweal­th courts, would be expressly excluded from LTC rulings. The impact of these changes is far-reaching: 80 per cent of the country is designated customary land, and all Samoan extended families exercise collective responsibi­lity for their land and chiefly titles as their measina (precious inheritanc­e). By removing the Supreme Court’s supervisor­y jurisdicti­on, the proposed changes would abolish the applicatio­n of fundamenta­l human rights from customary matters. Instead, the LTC would apply undefined “communal rights”, which the bill’s explanator­y memorandum essentiall­y equates to decisions of the village fono (chiefly council). In the past, certain actions claimed to be taken on behalf of the community, such as beatings or house burnings, have been declared by the Supreme Court to violate fundamenta­l rights. The removal of Supreme Court oversight of the LTC would effectivel­y leave village fono with decision-making power unfettered by human rights considerat­ions.

The notion of pitting individual human rights against traditiona­l communal values is rejected by eminent Samoans. Professor Malama Meleisea has shot down the false dichotomy of individual versus traditiona­l communal rights, illustrati­ng that when individual rights are protected, the community is protected.

Ombudsman report

A landmark 2015 report by Samoa’s Ombudsman, Maiava Iulai Toma, highlighte­d that human rights are not foreign ideals, but in fact have their roots in Samoan cultural values, and that the two taken together make a more harmonious society.

The LTC has been the subject of long-standing criticism of its competence and judicial conduct. After an extensive consultati­ve process, a 2016 parliament­ary inquiry recommende­d various administra­tive changes to improve the LTC’s resources and capacity. Importantl­y, this review recommende­d the retention of the Supreme Court’s supervisor­y jurisdicti­on. In October 2019, however, Cabinet assigned the Samoa Law Reform Commission (SLRC) to review the recognitio­n of Samoan custom within the constituti­on and the establishm­ent of the LTC as an autonomous court.

The resulting legislatio­n came as a surprise to many, as it was not subject to the usual public consultati­on required by SLRC’s mandate and establishe­d government policy. Immediatel­y after their introducti­on, the bills were referred to a parliament­ary committee.

Media exclusion

The media has been excluded from the committee’s public hearings, even though state-of-emergency limits on public gatherings have been eased. The changes are also being considered at a time when the offices of Attorney General and Chief Justice are vacant. Opposition to the bills has grown steadily. In a letter obtained by the media, the entire Supreme and District Court judiciary voiced their widerangin­g concerns to the SLRC. In the absence of an organised parliament­ary opposition, public dissent has been led by lawyers and the media.

The Samoa Law Society has undertaken an extensive public education programme across media platforms, with community leaders and academics adding to the voices of dissent. Internatio­nal scrutiny is growing, with the New Zealand Law Society issuing a statement in support of the Samoan judiciary and lawyers and eminent internatio­nal jurists expressing their serious concerns.

Government response

Government has responded by publicly criticisin­g Supreme Court judges for their palagi (white person) thinking. Other opponents of the change have similarly been described as not sufficient­ly Samoan. After the Prime Minister’s recent assertion that Samoa’s founding fathers did not understand the palagi-drafted constituti­on, traditiona­l leaders have strongly and publicly defended their forebears. Ironically, it was the current government that ratified Samoa’s membership of the UN’s foundation­al human rights treaties only 12 years ago.

In an already tense environmen­t struggling with the impact of COVID-19 and the recent measles epidemic, this style of identity politics fans existing racial resentment­s. Samoa is often lauded for its political stability under the Human Rights Protection Party, which has ruled for almost 40 years.

However, critics have noted the longterm deconstruc­tion of Samoan democracy via the gradual erosion of the Constituti­on and government systems. This has seen the accumulati­on of power in the executive, and more particular­ly a dominated Cabinet. The judiciary is the final frontier.

 ?? Photo: Wikimedia Commons ?? The Government Building in Apia, Samoa.
Photo: Wikimedia Commons The Government Building in Apia, Samoa.
 ?? Photo: Cia Pak/UN Photo ?? Samoan Prime Minister Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegao­i addresses the general debate of the UN General Assembly, September 2019.
Photo: Cia Pak/UN Photo Samoan Prime Minister Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegao­i addresses the general debate of the UN General Assembly, September 2019.
 ??  ?? Fiona Ey
Fiona Ey is a lawyer practising at the Samoan Bar. Her husband is a judge of the Supreme Court of Samoa, and her business partner is President of the Samoa Law Society. The views expressed in this article are her own.
Fiona Ey Fiona Ey is a lawyer practising at the Samoan Bar. Her husband is a judge of the Supreme Court of Samoa, and her business partner is President of the Samoa Law Society. The views expressed in this article are her own.

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