How coronavirus strengthened Scottish independence

L’Écosse veut à nouveau conquérir son indépendance

Depuis la pandémie, la popularité de Nicola Sturgeon, première ministre écossaise et leader du parti indépendantiste, ne cesse de croître – tout comme le nombre d’Écossais souhaitant quitter le Royaume-Uni. Selon eux, l’Écosse pourrait mieux gérer la crise sans ses voisins anglais. Mais cette opinion se justifie-t-elle dans les faits ? Réponse avec The Economist.

Nicola Sturgeon recoils from the suggestion that coronavirus could be politically advantageous. It has, after all, been linked to more than 4,200 Scottish deaths. Even so, the pandemic has left Scotland’s first minister in rude political health. Some 74% of Scots think her handling of the pandemic has been good or very good, according to the pollster, Panelbase. In contrast, Boris Johnson, who spent three nights in intensive care and scores just 21%, has been stricken by the virus personally and professionally.

2. In the 2014 referendum, the Nationalists struggled to get Scots to imagine what an independent government might look like. The pandemic was just what the doctor ordered. Health is devolved under Britain’s constitution, so Ms Sturgeon’s administration has the trappings of a state-in-waiting. Unlike the rumpled, details-light Mr Johnson, she has given poised daily televised press conferences packed with useful information. 3. Pointing to rising support for independence, Sir John Curtice, of the University of Strathclyde, says that “some people may, in the wake of coronavirus, have bought into the argument that, ‘You know what, maybe an independent Scotland could govern itself a wee bit better’.” That perception is detached from reality. Scotland’s outbreak has followed a distinctly British course. In early March Scotland’s chief medical officer said the outbreak would mean “business as usual” for Scots, mirroring English scientific officials’ optimism.

AN UNFOUNDED CLAIM?

4. Westminster has helped Scotland through the crisis. The Treasury has funded the furlough scheme which pays the wages of Scottish workers. The central government also runs a network of mobile-testing centres in

Scotland and Scottish scientists sit on British expert committees. The government has thus fulfilled the unionists’ promise in the 2014 referendum that Britain would be Scotland’s protector in hard times. Yet the appetite for separation has rarely been so high.

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