Deutsche Welle (English edition)
Is Africa's music streaming revolution on the horizon?
Many music lovers in Africa still download their favorite tunes illegally. Now, online streaming platforms such as Spotify are becoming more popular. This could help artists secure their incomes. But challenges remain.
When Mdundo launched in 2013, the music distribution platform from Kenya was still a pioneer of sorts. Today, eight years and seven million active users later, co-founder Martin Nielsen is convinced that his plan worked.
"The market for music streaming and downloads in Africa is growing rapidly," he told DW. "People are going online and there is a great demand for content. and that includes music in particular."
The Swedish streaming giant Spotify takes a similar view. So far, the platform is only available in five African countries. By the end of the year, it aims to provide services to 39 countries on the continent. Spotify's main competitor, Apple Music, already expanded its offerings last year.
"Music is an integral part of youth culture. Africa has the youngest population in the world," Spotify's head of music for Africa, Phiona Okumu, told
DW. Platforms with potential
There are other players involved, too. According to the website WeTracker, there are currently more than 25 streaming platforms operating in Africa. This includes services such as Boomplay, which has about 50 million users, but also smaller providers, including Mkito in Tanzania, Songa from Kenya and uduX in Nigeria.
But the Nigerian technology analyst Victor Ekwelaor does not trust the rosy messages being sent out by the platform operators.
"I don't think they are booming," he told DW. "There is just a wave of marketing measures and attempts to get into the market."
One of the main obstacles facing streaming services is that only 29% of people on the continent use the internet.
"The biggest problem is the connection: getting people online so that they can consume music," Mdundo founder Nielsen said.
Expensive data connections
Data connections are also expensive. According to a study by the British telecommunications provider CableUK, African providers charge an average of $3.30 (€2.77) per gigabyte.
Only the American continent beats such a hefty price. But at the same time, most people in African countries aren't getting any richer.
"The platforms are mainly present in countries with better economic conditions and low data prices," Ekwelaor said. A look at the core markets of Mdundo and Spotify, which include Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania and Uganda, confirms this.
The providers want to counter this with technical innovations. "Data prices are a challenge, internet connections are a challenge, but that can't stop an entire continent from moving forward," Spotify manager Okumu said.
Spotify has created a lighter version of its original app that works without highquality smartphones and with lower bandwidths. Competitor Mdundo mainly relies on free downloads, which require far less data than streaming. This is financed by adverts before each song.
Increasing the use of streaming services would also mean more income for African musicians. So far, many artists have been losing revenue because their music is often illegally downloaded or sold on pirated CDs. Just €72 million in license and usage fees were collected in Africa in 2018 — less than 1% of global revenues. In contrast, revenues from the digital music business increased by 36% be
tween 2014 and 2018.
"Pirated copies are a big problem in Africa and streaming offers a solution," Okumu said. What's left for the artists? Mdundo, for example, reports that it donates half of its income to the artists. This year, the platform is targeting revenues of $600,000. With more than 90,000 registered artists, only small sums of money are lost.
Despite the obstacles, Mdundo founder Nielsen believes in the potential of his platform. He is aiming for 18 million daily users by June 2022. Even then, he believes that downloads will work better than streaming.
"The Internet will become more and more natural on the continent and it will become easier to reach larger target groups and to earn money with it," he said.
Since the military took over power in Myanmar on February 1, the country has seen sometimes deadly mass protests demanding the restoration of the civilian government and the release of political prisoners.
Despite the volatile situation, developments in the country have so far not dominated the international diplomatic agenda.
As far as what was made known publicly, the events in Myanmar were not part of the recent US-China meeting in Alaska, the first high-level talks between the two sides since President Joe Biden took office.
Still, according to experts at the United States Institute of Peace, a nonpartisan agency of the US Congress, Myanmar would present an excellent chance for cooperation between the two global powers.
"Myanmar may present a unique opportunity for the two powers — at odds on so much — to address in unison the growing international crisis radiating out of Myanmar," they said.
But at the Alaska meeting, China's top diplomat Yang Jiechi's called for the US to "stop advancing its own (notion of) democracy on the rest of the world."
The statement suggests that joint action by Washington and Beijing to resolve the crisis in Myanmar is rather unlikely.
UNSC sends a signal
The UN Security Council (UNSC) on March 10 managed to pass a resolution condemning the violence against peaceful protesters in Myanmar and pledging "continued support for the democratic transition" in the country.
It also stressed the "need to uphold democratic institutions and processes, refrain from violence, fully respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and uphold the rule of law."
Nevertheless, the UNSC failed to call the events in Myanmar a coup in the face of objections from China and Russia.
Michal Lubina, a political analyst at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, told DW that there is scope for the West and Beijing to agree on the way forward in Myanmar.
"China would have rejected such a (UNSC) statement in the past without much ado. That it has not done so suggests that there are points of agreement with the West," he said.
Even though both sides have common interests in Myanmar, Lubina said, they do not cooperate enough because of the systemic and geopolitical competition between them.
"A common goal of the West and China is stability and an end to bloodshed," the expert pointed out, stressing that China has no interest in there being chaos in Myanmar. Beijing wants to build infrastructure and an economic corridor connecting it to India, all of which have become impossible for the time being.
"But, of course, it also wants
to keep the West at arm's length," he underlined.
Myanmar public anger directed toward China
China's position on Myanmar, where distrust of Beijing runs high, is by no means uncontroversial. Beijing's hope of scoring points among the Myanmar public by supporting the UNSC's relatively clear statement appears to have fizzled out following arson attacks a week ago on several factories in Yangon belonging to Chinese investors.
It is unclear who was behind the arson attacks and to what extent they were connected to the current anti-coup protests.
But the reaction from the Chinese side was unambiguous.
The Global Times, the ultranationalist mouthpiece of the Chinese Communist Party, published a report and an opinion piece on the events. In the report, the Chinese Embassy in Myanmar demanded protection of Chinese assets and personnel.
The perpetrators, according to the newspaper, may have been anti-China elements "who have been provoked by some Western anti-China forces, NGOs and Hong Kong secessionists."
"For a long time, the West and some anti-China forces have been trying to make use of Myanmar as a strategic pivot to contain China," it added.
In the opinion piece, Global
Times said: "It's well known that China doesn't interfere heavily in Myanmar situation, meanwhile it tries its utmost to promote peaceful settlement of the crisis according to law."
The reports triggered outrage on Myanmar's social media.
As reported by the Englishlanguage daily The Irrawaddy, a message in Burmese and Chinese was shared about a million times. It read: "We condemn the purely selfish statement of the Chinese Embassy in every way. China has so far remained silent and has not condemned the military coup, even though hundreds lost their lives during the peaceful protest."
The Chinese Embassy's statement has undoubtedly increased anti-Chinese resentment in Myanmar and complicated any possible moderating influence Beijing might have on the parties to the conflict.
ASEAN demands action to end violence
Meanwhile, some of Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbors, in a departure from their traditional restraint, have taken a stand for the first time.
Indonesian President Joko Widodo, for instance, called for an immediate end to the violence and announced that he would, together with Brunei, call a special meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Brunei is the current chair of the regional bloc.
Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin expressed his "disgust at the continuing deadly violence against unarmed civilians," while Singapore voiced disapproval of the Myanmar army's actions.
How much pressure ASEAN countries will be able to exert on Myanmar army's leadership remains to be seen.
International sanctions on Myanmar unlikely
Sanctions have so far been
imposed only by Western countries, primarily the United States. They are directed against individual members of the army as well as against certain ministries and companies controlled by the military. The measures include entry bans, asset freezes and the prohibition or restrictions on business relations with the individuals or organizations concerned.
On Monday, EU foreign ministers slapped sanctions on 11 officers of the Myanmar army and security forces, as well as against companies that generate revenue or financial support for the army.
At the moment, UNSC sanctions are considered unrealistic, given the readiness of China and Russia to veto any proposed measures.
Speaking to DW about the alleged crimes against humanity in the country, UN's special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, said that there needs to be a "collective response outside of the Security Council."
"If the Security Council can't impose focused, tough, clear sanctions on the military then a coalition of nations can."
However, this is likely to remain illusory, given the USChina antagonism, which was on open display at the recent Alaska meeting.