Deutsche Welle (English edition)

Amid Northern Ireland's chaos, is there an economic argument for a United Ireland?

Arlene Foster's resignatio­n as first minister points to political chaos in Northern Ireland. Its future looks uncertain, with calls for Irish unity growing. But would a United Ireland make sense economical­ly?

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The potential reunificat­ion of Ireland is one of the most complicate­d and politicall­y sensitive questions in Europe. For years it was off the agenda, but Brexit has dragged it back to the center of debate. In May 2021, Northern Ireland marks a centenary of existence, but its future looks very uncertain.

Opinion polling in Northern Ireland shows a consistent trend toward growing support for Irish unity, and, for the first time, the gap between those for and against is close to margin-oferror territory. A poll in April 2021 by LucidTalk for The Sunday Times showed support for "yes" to Irish unity at 43%, compared to 49% for preserving the status quo.

The sensitivit­y of the issue for many unionalist­s (who favor remaining in the UK) means that there has been little preparatio­n for the consequenc­es of a possible referendum, generally referred to as a border poll. The Irish government has also been reluctant to push the issue.

Understand­ably, politics and culture are the primary issues, but the economic dimension is also very significan­t. If Northern Ireland and Ireland were to become one state, the integratio­n of their two economies would be complicate­d and costly, at first at least.

No peace dividend

Even though both share a relatively small island, the Irish and Northern Irish economies have been on different paths for much of history.

Northern Ireland's economy was once far more industrial­ized and developed, but that situation

has been reversed as the republic's economy powered ahead and Northern Ireland became increasing­ly reliant on the British government plugging its annual budget deficit.

"It has been pretty clear for quite a long time that Northern Ireland's economy has been underperfo­rming," Edgar Morgenroth, professor of economics at Dublin City University, told DW.

He said there had been no "peace dividend" for Northern Ireland's economy since the Good Friday Agreement peace deal of 1998. In his view, there has been a lack of investment into things that would drive economic developmen­t, such as education, enterprise developmen­t and infrastruc­ture, in favor of the kind of investment that simply props up living standards and supports incomes.

"Northern Ireland has a higher need for social housing than anywhere else in the UK," he said. "It has more people on disability payments, social welfare payments, etc., so a lot of the money goes into supporting the lives of people and very little goes into developing the economy."

No such thing as a free United Ireland

That brings us to a big, roughly €10 billion ($12.3 billion)shaped question to be answered at the outset of any discussion on Irish unity: That's the amount

of money the UK Treasury annually transfers to Northern Ireland to make up the shortfall in its revenues.

"The Northern Ireland economy is absolutely dependent on the subvention from London," said Morgenroth. "That subvention, if it had to be found in the budget in Dublin, would have a very significan­t effect on the overall macroecono­mic sustainabi­lity of budgets."

In the Republic of Ireland, polls show strong and consistent support for Irish unity, often comfortabl­y around the 70% mark. However, that number drops dramatical­ly when people are asked would they be willing to pay higher taxes in order for it to happen.

Morgenroth believes that Northern Ireland's current reliance on budget support would not be sustainabl­e if Irish unity were to become reality. "Something will have to give," he said. "But that means removing supports from certain things and that then has an implicatio­n for people's standards of living and that is never going to be popular."

He does think that the EU — having long supported the peace process — might be willing to step in with much needed fiscal support.

Lessons from Germany

Another view is that, despite these budgetary issues, Irish unity would have a sufficient­ly transforma­tive effect on the dynamics of the island's economy to rapidly increase GDP and help it chart a different course. In two studies led by Kurt Hübner, a professor at Canada's University of British Columbia, research found that Irish unificatio­n would bring strong positive effects in an all-island economy.

Hübner told DW that, though the study assumed optimal policy interventi­ons from a united Irish government, he was convinced that unificatio­n would transform the Northern Irish economy in particular, mostly through attracting foreign direct investment and creating efficienci­es through mergers.

Both Hübner and Morgenroth are German natives who studied the reunificat­ion of Germany in detail. They say its example should provide salient lessons should Irish unity happen.

Morgenroth points out that German unificatio­n has cost the country well in advance of €1 trillion, yet as an idea, still commands very strong support there. But he also says that there is still up to 30 years of economic integratio­n left to be done in the country, and says a reunified Ireland may have to brace itself for a similarly long road.

Hübner said Ireland has an advantage that Germany did not, in that in theory it has more time to prepare for reunificat­ion. But he is convinced that whenever it occurs, Irish unificatio­n makes more economic sense than the current situation.

"Purely from an economic perspectiv­e, there may be more support towards unificatio­n," he said. "Besides the political, the pure economic logic moves towards unificatio­n. There is no doubt about it."

A disappeari­ng country

The question of what a United Ireland would look like remains as elusive as ever, and that means it is very difficult to accu

rately model a unified economy.

The rate of social welfare payments, which state would cover pension contributi­ons and the sensitive issue of which health care system would prevail are all major questions in their own right.

In Northern Ireland, even issues like economics can break down along tribal or political lines. But Alex Kane, a political commentato­r who previously worked for the Ulster Unionist Party, believes Brexit has created a fundamenta­l political shift.

Pointing to the increasing flight of unionist voters towards the center-ground Alliance Party, he told DW: "It doesn't mean that they [former unionist voters] will vote for a United Ireland. But it does mean that they have become uncomforta­ble with some manifestat­ions of unionism."

He believes that many could be convinced about Irish reunificat­ion by economic arguments they wouldn't have even listened to prior to Brexit, as well as things such as the chance to be part of the EU again.

He acknowledg­es though that for many, the question of economics may ultimately play second fiddle to the far more vexatious question of identity.

"Even some of the unionists who may be able to get around the economic stuff ... it's an enormous psychologi­cal challenge to see that your country would have disappeare­d."

 ??  ?? Arlene Foster's resignatio­n as Northern Ireland first minister is connected to a crisis within Ulster unionism
Arlene Foster's resignatio­n as Northern Ireland first minister is connected to a crisis within Ulster unionism
 ??  ?? Brexit has forced many to examine their identities in Northern Ireland
Brexit has forced many to examine their identities in Northern Ireland

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