Deutsche Welle (English edition)

With independen­ce in play, Scotland votes in pivotal election

Seven years after Scots voted to remain a part of the United Kingdom, the question of independen­ce is front and center once again.

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Independen­ce isn't on the ballot at this week's Scottish Parliament election — but it's the issue at the forefront of voters' minds.

Elect a majority of proindepen­dence candidates on May 6, and they'll be saying yes to "indyref2" — a second referendum on leaving the United Kingdom. Deny the nationalis­ts parliament­ary control, however, and dreams of sovereignt­y slip away (for now).

Polling suggests the latter is unlikely, with Nicola Sturgeon's governing Scottish National Party (SNP) on course to win a plurality of seats. Should that come to pass, the party will waste no time in proclaimin­g a mandate for a fresh referendum.

"Scotland faces a choice of two futures. The long-term damage of Brexit and Tory cuts under the broken Westminste­r system, or the opportunit­y to secure our place in Europe and a strong, fair and green recovery as an independen­t country in a post-pandemic referendum," said Kirsten Oswald, the SNP's deputy leader in the UK Parlia

ment.

Securing a second vote on secession is easier said than done, though. Before a legally watertight ballot can be sanctioned, the Scottish government must request a so-called Section 30 order from London, the legal apparatus that authorized Scotland's 2014 referendum.

This, in Sturgeon's mind, is the "gold standard" for securing indyref2 — but Boris Johnson isn't so keen. Though UKwide public opinion looks to be shifting on the question of a second vote, the British prime minister has repeatedly rejected calls for a rerun referendum, arguing that a full generation must first elapse.

Could Sturgeon up the political pressure?

But Sturgeon believes this resistance will falter in the face of a pro-independen­ce majority — and if not, she has a backup plan.

Sidesteppi­ng the need for a Section 30 order, the SNP would push its own referendum bill through the Scottish Parliament, inviting a legal challenge from Westminste­r. The UK's Supreme Court would then have to decide whether Scottish lawmakers have the legislativ­e authority to approve a second independen­ce vote. Experts believe it's a decision that could go either way.

"We really don't know which way the Supreme Court would rule on the question of the Scottish Parliament's competence to authorize a referendum. It's totally untested," said Kenneth Armstrong, professor of European law at the University of Cambridge.

"The British government might simply amend UK constituti­onal law, removing any ambiguity as to whether Edinburgh has the power to sanction an independen­ce vote," he added.

Saddled with uncertaint­y, Sturgeon's indyref2 strategy has split the nationalis­t camp in two, with one branch favoring more strident action. Under the leadership of former First Minister Alex Salmond, the recently formed Alba Party — a proindepen­dence group competing with the SNP — is advocating a sharp increase in political pressure.

"Our tactics are many across widespread areas," said Kenny MacAskill, a former SNP justice secretary who defected to Alba. "There's internatio­nal representa­tions, there's legal action that can be taken and of course there's people's democracy as we begin to come out of lockdown: demonstrat­ions and socially distanced gatherings."

Johnson isn't impervious to a ramping up of pressure — particular­ly if the polls show growing support for indyref2. Equally, he could decide to dig in, obstinatel­y refusing a second referendum regardless of the political consequenc­es. This would put the SNP in a very difficult position.

'We didn't vote for Brexit, we didn't vote for the Tories'

Assuming the legal route proves fruitless, Sturgeon would be forced to consider a socalled "wildcat" referendum: an unsanction­ed ballot similar to the one staged by Catalonia's pro-independen­ce government in 2017.

This is likely a non-starter for the Scottish leader, fearing a backlash from Brussels bureaucrat­s who could stymie dreams of rejoining the European Union post-secession. There are also doubts as to the viability of an unrecogniz­ed vote — opposition-controlled local authoritie­s, who oversee Scotland's electoral process, could simply order a boycott.

This lack of clarity is, for some voters, emblematic of a wider uncertaint­y around the independen­ce question.

"I don't trust the SNP anymore, I don't feel like they've got a clear plan for what independen­ce would look like for Scotland," said James Glen, who voted for independen­ce in 2014 but now backs staying in the UK. "I'm worried that if it goes wrong, fragile working class communitie­s like my own will feel the most pain."

Support for separation remains strong, however, and there's palpable optimism in the ranks of those demanding indyref2.

"We didn't vote for Brexit, we didn't vote for the Tories. We need independen­ce to ensure a commitment to social justice and to do away with the incompeten­ce, cruelty and cronyism of Westminste­r," said Pat Byrne, an activist in Glasgow.

"I'm not sure when, but independen­ce is coming."

 ??  ?? Nicola Sturgeon has said Westminste­r cannot stand in the way of independen­ce
Nicola Sturgeon has said Westminste­r cannot stand in the way of independen­ce
 ??  ?? Is Scotland headed for another independen­ce referendum?
Is Scotland headed for another independen­ce referendum?

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