Deutsche Welle (English edition)

Viktor Orban, Fidesz plot to maintain their hold on Hungary

With the polls projecting defeat for Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban in 2022, the government is seeking to preserve its control over state institutio­ns through a series of very well-funded foundation­s.

- This article has been adapted from German. For DW content in Hungarian, visit the new YouTube channel DW Magyar.

Viktor Orban is one of the most cunning politician­s in Europe. Hungary's prime minister has done plenty to secure his power, from gaining control of — and exerting control over — media outlets to introducin­g an electoral law that favors his right-wing Fidesz party. His latest plan is to set up a parallel state that would allow the prime minister and his allies to maintain their grip on most areas of life after they are no longer officially in power.

Polls indicate that it is increasing­ly likely that Fidesz could lose in the 2022 parliament­ary election. Hungarians are getting tired of Orban and sick of all the scandals and affairs in which his family and party cronies are embroiled.

On Tuesday, the National Assembly, in which Fidesz enjoys a two-thirds majority, passed a bill allowing for the establishm­ent of a nongovernm­ental agency to manage public assets and 32 similar foundation­s. Many foundation­s would take over the running of state universiti­es — including affiliated institutio­ns such as hospitals. Others would be entrusted with tasks covering most areas of public life, from education, art and media to family, youth and sport, and the environmen­t and agricultur­e to the economy and internatio­nal relations and the support of Hungarian minorities abroad.

As a result, every future Cabinet would have to share part of its power with a "parallel government run by Viktor Orban and embedded and hidden deeply in the administra­tion," the lawyer and former opposition MP Andras Schiffer wrote.

State assets redistribu­ted

In addition to gaining control of universiti­es and their assets, the foundation­s would acquire real estate — from simple buildings to castles, parks and woodland — as well as stakes in state-owned companies. One example is the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC), originally a small and relatively insignific­ant organizati­on set up by Fidesz supporter and businessma­n Andras Tombor to train people for leadership positions.

At the stroke of a pen, MCC acquired 10% of shares in both the Hungarian oil and gas giant MOL and the pharmaceut­icals company Gedeon Richter, estimated to be worth €1 billion ($1.2 billion). Furthermor­e, it will receive valuable real estate and billions of Hugarian forint from the state coffers.

The foundation­s are designed to be independen­t and will not be subject to state control. Though they are only allowed to spend funds for the intended purposes for which they were set up, they can do this as they please. A constituti­onal amendment passed last December means that a twothirds parliament­ary vote is now needed for any changes to be made to how foundation­s operate in Hungary. It is very unlikely that the opposition would obtain such a majority in the foreseeabl­e future.

Boards of trustees will run the foundation­s, and members have already been appointed to indefinite terms. Successors will be appointed by the boards themselves. Ministers and secretarie­s of state, as well as many businesspe­ople who are close to Orban, currently number among the known trustees.

'A clever but malevolent idea'

According to the government, the foundation­s will streamline administra­tion of state assets. However, the united bloc of six of the country's main opposition parties, which came together at the end of 2020, has issued a statement condemning the "transfer of public funds to private fortunes" and describing it as "theft." They criticized "steps to preserve the regime and to channel public funds and taxpayer money into Fidesz cadres' pockets."

Miklos Ligeti, the director of Transparen­cy Internatio­nal Hungary, told DW that establishi­ng the foundation­s was one of the most overt efforts to undermine the state since Orban came to power with a twothirds majority in 2010. "The whole thing is a clever but malevolent idea, the dimensions of which can only be compared to Communist nationaliz­ation," Ligeti said. "We're talking about a completely unique model that doesn't exist in such a form anywhere else — not in Western democracie­s because they operate according to the rule of law and not in Eastern dictatorsh­ips because they don't pay attention to formalitie­s."

Opposition parties have promised to abolish the foundation­s and return all assets to the state and thus the public, something Ligeti has said would require a "constituti­onal revolution."

"The only way I could see would be to invoke article C, paragraph 2 of the Hungarian constituti­on," Ligeti said.

The article is intended to guard against a return to dictatorsh­ip. "No person's activity shall be aimed at the forcible acquisitio­n, exercise or exclusive possession of power," it reads. "Every person shall be entitled and obliged to act against such attempts in a lawful way."

 ??  ?? In just over a decade, Orban has completely transforme­d the way Hungary is governed
In just over a decade, Orban has completely transforme­d the way Hungary is governed

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