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Messi, PSG, Qatar, FFP, sportswash­ing and geopolitic­s: quo vadis, football?

PSG's signing of Lionel Messi sent shockwaves around the world and sparked euphoria among fans, but it's also added fuel to the burning issue of financial controls in European football, and where the game goes from here.

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It's not a revelation; it's a statement of fact and it ought to be repeated whenever Paris Saint-Germain are discussed: since 2011, PSG have been owned by Qatar Sports Investment­s (QSI), a subsidiary of the sovereign wealth fund of the state of Qatar.

Without that vital preface, one neglects a significan­t part of every PSG story, and indeed the entirety of this one.

Bankrolled by one of the richest nations in the world for the past decade, PSG's transfer activities have altered the playing field in European football beyond recognitio­n, as deals for the likes of Neymar (€222m from Barcelona in 2017) and Kylian Mbappé (€145m from Monaco in 2018) have sent inflationa­ry waves across the transfer market.

It was partly — although certainly not solely — as a consequenc­e of that hyperinfla­tion that Barcelona, one of the world's most storied clubs, found themselves in a situation where they were unable to prove to the Spanish Football League that they had the funds to retain the services of Lionel Messi.

The unthinkabl­e has become reality: after 21 years, 778 appearance­s, 672 goals, ten La Liga titles, seven cups, four Champions League wins and six personal Ballon d'Or awards, Messi had to leave Barcelona.

PSG pounced, snapping the 34-year-old up on a free transfer and once again igniting the debate over football's finances.

Financial fair play

Following the move, exBayern Munich CEO Karl-Heinz

Rummenigge was among those who said tougher rules on club wages and player transfers are an "absolute necessity."

"Financial Fair Play (FFP) already exists, it just needs to be adapted and used more stringentl­y," he told Germany's Sport Bild newspaper, referring to the UEFA regulation­s which stipulate that, in principle, clubs should not spend more than they earn and that only a maximum of €30 million per year may be covered by external investors.

As a result of the pandemic, UEFA has temporaril­y relaxed the regulation­s, for example allowing clubs to submit joint financial reports for 2020 and 2021, giving the clubs more wriggle-room. But, in the case of state-owned entities like PSG – and UAE-owned Manchester City – calculatin­g income and identifyin­g the provenance of such funds is not always straight forward.

In February 2020, following revelation­s in German news magazine Der Spiegel, UEFA barred Abu Dhabi-backed City from the Champions League for breaches of FFP regulation­s – namely accusing them of artificial­ly inflating the value of sponsorshi­p deals with Abu Dhabibased companies – and for failure to comply with the governing body's investigat­ors.

The Manchester club overturned the ban at the Court of Arbitratio­n for Sport later that year, the panel finding that "most of the alleged breaches were either not establishe­d or time-barred" – the latter meaning that the alleged offenses had simply taken place too long ago to be relevant.

In 2018, documents obtained by "Football Leaks" whistleblo­wer Rui Pinto suggested that PSG, whose sponsors include the Qatar Tourism Authority "Visit Qatar," Qatari mobile network provider Ooredoo, the Qatar National Bank, state airline Qatar Airways, Qatar-based sports medicine hospital Aspetar and Qatari sports broadcaste­r beIN Sports, had also inflated the value of sponsorshi­p deals to increase income.

At Wednesday's press conference introducin­g Messi as a Paris Saint-Germain player, PSG president and Qatar Sports Investment chairman Nasser AlKhelaifi insisted that his club has always complied with FFP. "We have followed the Financial Fair Play regulation­s from the day we started and will do until the end," he said.

Indeed, FFP isn't the immediate issue here. Just like the deals for Gianluigi Donnarumma (from AC Milan), Sergio Ramos (from Real Madrid) and Georginio Wijnaldum (from Liverpool), PSG have technicall­y signed Messi on a free transfer.

They will pay him a reported €25m per year over the course of his two-year contract, plus a €25m signing-on fee, but those costs can be spread over the course of his deal. When compared to the estimated €500m that Manchester City were reportedly calculatin­g last year when assessing the feasibilit­y of a potential Messi transfer, PSG have got themselves a bargain.

"Before we do anything, we check with our commercial people, with our financial people, and with our legal team," Al-Khelaifi said. "We had the capacity to sign Leo [Messi], we knew that we could sign him."

Nasser Al-Khelaifi: pulling the strings

And no wonder he sounded confident. Messi's arrival in Paris doesn't just have fans salivating at the prospect of the Argentinia­n legend lining up alongside Neymar and Mbappé in a front three usually only seen on video games; it also caps off a remarkable few months of footballin­g diplomacy for Al-Khelaifi personally.

Just four months ago in April 2021, the 47-year-old was under immense pressure from his counterpar­ts at Barcelona, Real Madrid and Juventus to sign up to the proposed European Super League, but steadfastl­y refused their overtures. When the whole endeavor collapsed in 48 spectacula­r hours, AlKhelaifi replaced Juventus chairman Andrea Agnelli as chair of the European Club Associatio­n (ECA), which represents the interests of those clubs who regularly compete in European competitio­n.

He's also a member of UEFA's Executive Committee (ExCo), the chairman of Qatar's BeIN Media Group, whose BeIN Sports subsidiary holds the internatio­nal television rights for France's Ligue 1 and the French television rights for the Champions League, plus a member of the organizing committee for FIFA's Club World Cup.

In short, Al- Khelaifi has emerged as one of the most powerful men in world football and will be heavily involved when UEFA and the ECA discuss any changes to FFP, which Rummenigge and UEFA president Aleksander Ceferin believe are so necessary.

'Sportswash­ing'

Back home in Qatar, there will be further accolades to come for Al-Khelaifi as the 2022 World Cup edges ever closer, representi­ng the highpoint of the country's inroads into sports marketing across the globe over the past decade.

For Qatar, it's a project designed to diversify the nation's economy, reduce its reliance on oil and earn itself influence among western nations. For critics, it's "sportswash­ing" – a process of subtly laundering Qatar's reputation and covering up extensive human rights abuses, including workers', women's and LGBTQ rights.

According to a recent report in British newspaper The Guardian, more than 6,500 migrant workers have died in Qatar since the country won the right to host the 2022 World Cup, with at least 37 directly linked to the constructi­on of stadiums. The Qatari government insists that the death rate is proportion­ate to the number of migrants in the country and that measures have been taken to improve working conditions.

And with Messi now effectivel­y employed by the state of Qatar, it would be a big surprise were he not to compete in one final World Cup with Argentina, having just won the Copa America for the first time.

Geopolitic­s: Gulf conflicts in European football

That would be an added bonus for Qatar in terms of internatio­nal recognitio­n, with the country still embroiled in a complex regional dispute with its neighbors Saudia Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, a dispute which is also not entirely unrelated to football.

It was only in January 2021 that a Saudi-led coalition reestablis­hed diplomatic ties with Qatar after a fouryear economic blockade in retaliatio­n for Qatar's alleged links to Islamist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhoo­d, which they acknowledg­e, while denying any links to al-Qaeda or the so-called "Islamic State."

During the blockade, Al-Khelaifi's beIN Sports television channels were banned in Saudi Arabia – although their content was still made available via a pirate service known as beoutQ, which Qatar alleges has the official backing of Saudi Arabia. When a Saudi-led consortium attempted to purchase English football club Newcastle United in 2020, Qatari-owned beIN Sports, which owns regional broadcasti­ng rights for the Premier League, wrote to the league to warn against allowing the takeover, which has been blocked, for now.

Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE have all competed to host prominent sporting events, from horse racing to boxing to Formula One. Beyond the Gulf region, Russia has hosted the 2014 Winter Olympics and 2018 World Cup, Azerbaijan has hosted Europa League finals and Euro 2020 games, while China will host the Winter Olympics in February, just 14 years after the Beijing Summer Olympics.

All have dubious records when it comes to human rights, democracy and freedom of speech, but such is the geopolitic­al context in which Lionel Messi's move to PSG must inevitably be seen.

Quo vadis, football?

In comparison, the question of the regulation — or not — of football's transfer market pales into insignific­ance, but it's a question which recent events have made all the more pressing.

Of course, the dire financial situation which led to Barcelona's desperatio­n to sign up to a European Super League and, when that failed, compelled them to release Lionel Messi, cannot solely be blamed on PSG and Qatar; catastroph­ic mismanagem­ent exacerbate­d by the pandemic had the Catalans teetering on the brink anyway.

But the hyperinfla­tion of market prices by the purchasing power of state-owned clubs is certainly a factor in forcing clubs like Barcelona to take ever greater risks in an ultimately hopeless attempt to compete.

Indeed, were it not for more astute financial management, Bayern Munich could easily have found themselves in a similar situation, which explains KarlHeinz Rummenigge's desire to see some form of regulation.

Not that the German giants are entirely blameless themselves, also benefittin­g as they do from sponsorshi­p deals with Qatar. State airline Qatar Airways adorns the sleeves of Bayern's jerseys, while the team has been traveling to Doha for annual warm-weather winter training camps since 2011. Bayern do, however, remain majority member-owned, as per German Football League (DFL) regulation­s, and some of those members continue to be vocal critics of their club's dealings with Qatar.

Now, after Manchester City's successful CAS appeal exposed the limitation­s of UEFA's current FFP regulation­s, after the aborted attempt to form a breakaway Super League, and after PSG snapped up arguably the world's greatest ever footballer, where will football go next?

Rummenigge may have handed over the reins at Bayern to Oliver Kahn this summer but he remains on the UEFA ExCo as a representa­tive of the ECA, now fronted by Al-Khelaifi. The two men will play an influentia­l role in determinin­g the future of European football's financial regulation­s, or lack of, but both have very different interests.

On Friday, Bayern will kick off the new Bundesliga season with a young, inexperien­ced coach and a squad substantia­lly weaker than that which won the Champions League in 2020, when they beat PSG in the final.

PSG, meanwhile, will feel they can finally go that one step further and win the biggest prize: not just the title of European champions for the team nominally from Paris, but the ultimate geopolitic­al coup for the state of Qatar, with Lionel Messi lifting the trophy.

 ?? PSG unveiling ?? "Ici c'est Paris" - or is it Qatar? Lionel Messi and Nasser Al-Khelaifi at the Agentinian legend's
PSG unveiling "Ici c'est Paris" - or is it Qatar? Lionel Messi and Nasser Al-Khelaifi at the Agentinian legend's
 ??  ?? Karl-Heinz Rummenigge and Nasser AlKhelaifi
Karl-Heinz Rummenigge and Nasser AlKhelaifi

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