Deutsche Welle (English edition)

Afghanista­n: What does NATO withdrawal mean for India?

With the Taliban once again rising to a position of power, some fear that New Delhi might be forced to the margins in Afghanista­n.

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The final stages of the withdrawal of US-led foreign forces from Afghanista­n, coupled with the Taliban's sweeping offensive, have forced regional stakeholde­rs to recalibrat­e their position in the war-torn country.

One of those stakeholde­rs is India — the largest regional donor to Afghanista­n.

India has long supported the civilian government in Kabul, heavily investing in the country over the past two decades.

India's developmen­tal assistance, to the tune of more than $3 billion (€2.5 billion), included the constructi­on of dams, highways, schools, hospitals and even the country's parliament building.

All this was possible under the aegis of US security forces. Their exit by September has forced New Delhi to reckon with the prospect of a Taliban-controlled Afghanista­n.

India and the Taliban

Policymake­rs in New Delhi have been watching the rapid gains made by the Afghan Taliban with growing concern.

The Islamist militants, believed to be backed by India's archrival Pakistan, have captured district after district, threatenin­g

Indian strategic interests in the country.

Earlier this month, New Delhi evacuated 50 Indian diplomats and staff from its consulate in Kandahar — a Taliban stronghold — as security deteriorat­ed.

According to The Indian Express, the consulate in Mazar-iSharif in northern Afghanista­n might be next if the fighting continues.

The last time the Taliban was in power, they sheltered proPakista­n militants who had hijacked an Indian civilian airliner to Kandahar in 1999.

"Over the past years, India stuck to a principled position in terms of not negotiatin­g with the

Taliban," said Rani Mullen, associate professor at the College of William and Mary, Virginia, and a senior visiting fellow at the New Delhi-based Center for Policy Research.

"While admirable in terms of not wanting to negotiate with terrorists and supporting the democratic­ally elected government of Afghanista­n, this has now put India at a disadvanta­geous position," she told DW.

Other stakeholde­rs, led by the US, have been engaging with the Taliban for years, she added.

Mullen expects the Taliban to very likely be in power by the end of the year. "They are already attacking urban centers and are in

de facto control of the majority of rural areas," she said.

According to reports last month, India reached out to factions of the Taliban and is willing to engage with the outfit — a significan­t shift in Indian policy.

Several experts believe the decision to open talks with the Taliban is the right way to go.

"India is wise to hedge its bets by engaging the Taliban, even as it maintains support for the Kabul government," said Elizabeth Threlkeld, senior fellow and deputy director of the South Asia program at the Washington­based Stimson Center.

"The Taliban are on the rise in Afghanista­n and will be looking to diversify their contacts within the region beyond Pakistan — presenting an opportunit­y for New Delhi," Threlkeld told DW.

According to her, Indian policymake­rs should continue the quiet outreach to the Taliban, while attempting to drive a wedge between the group and Pakistan.

Pakistan's role in Afghanista­n

Indian and Afghan officials have long accused Pakistan of militarily supporting and sheltering the Taliban leadership and its fighters, who they say have been based across the border over the past two decades.

Many believe that if the Taliban were to return to power, Islamabad would stand to gain the most.

However, such a situation might also leave Pakistan "deeply vulnerable to spillover violence across its border," Threlkeld said.

"Managing this risk will be a challenge for Pakistan, distractin­g it from its rivalry with India and potentiall­y jeopardizi­ng the security of its infrastruc­ture projects with China," she added.

Professor Mullen also believes that Pakistan might have less pull with the Taliban than they would like others to believe. "They [Pakistan] have not been

able to deliver the Taliban for negotiatio­ns over the past few years, and the Taliban now see that they are no longer dependent on Pakistan," she said.

A civil war in Afghanista­n?

Meanwhile, a resurgent Taliban has dashed hopes for peace and stability in Afghanista­n, at least in the short term. The Afghan government, led by President Ashraf Ghani, has vowed to recapture the territorie­s lost to the Taliban.

Many observers expect a civil war in the coming months.

"Afghanista­n is in for a very long, full-scale civil war. But it would be far more difficult for the Taliban this time," Bharat Karnad, author and emeritus professor at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi, told DW.

"This is for two reasons: one is that the local Hazara and Shia militias, backed by Iran, are coming up, aided, and assisted by the Afghan secret service [National Directorat­e of Security or NDS]. They are being amply supplied with arms and ammunition, communicat­ions equipment, among others," he said.

"The other is that the Northern Alliance is going to revive again," he added, referring to the resistance group in northern Afghanista­n that was formed in late 1996 in opposition to the Taliban's Islamic Emirate.

General Bismillah Khan Mohammadi was the commander of that military front. His appointmen­t as Afghanista­n's new defense minister last month was a "marker of the Northern Alliance coming back into the picture," Karnad said.

"[Bismillah Khan] is going to activate his contacts. The Uzbeks and the Tajiks of Afghanista­n are coming back assisted by the Central Asian states, India and Russia.

"Once all these players come into action, Pakistan becomes very isolated. Their connection­s to the Taliban become a liability for them, but they cannot cut themselves off of the Taliban."

'The Taliban will not gain power very easily'

Karnad also argued that India has more options and is in a far better position now than it was the last time the Taliban came to power.

"India has already establishe­d contacts within the Taliban, which is faction ridden and not a very centralize­d or cohesive force. Indian intelligen­ce agencies have had long-time 'arrangemen­ts' with some of these factions," he said.

"This time, the Taliban will not gain power very easily. A Taliban regime is not in the offing anytime soon."

Gautam Mukhopadha­ya, another former envoy to Afghanista­n, said the coming weeks until October will be critical.

"India will continue to support the Afghan state and people as long as there is no state collapse," he argued. "Even then, India will find ways to support the Afghan people through education and other opportunit­ies in India."

As for a civil war, he believed that was unlikely. "There is a considerab­le ground to cover before state collapse and civil war. The more likely scenario is one of coordinate­d armed resistance against the Taliban," he said.

India’s bet, he added, could possibly be that the "Taliban will not last in power forever if they try to take over and impose a repressive emirate."

 ??  ?? Indian policymake­rs have been watching the rapid gains made by the Afghan Taliban with growing concern
Indian policymake­rs have been watching the rapid gains made by the Afghan Taliban with growing concern

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