Kathimerini English

Far right tests Europe’s democracie­s

Experts at FES event in Athens debate causes of nationalis­t backlash across the continent

- BY HARRY VAN VERSENDAAL

Four-and-a-half years since the onset of a brutal economic crisis that radically changed Greece’s political landscape, most experts agree that the financial meltdown does not tell the whole story of Golden Dawn’s meteoric rise, but few would deny it was a catalyst.

“The problem [of far-right extremism] in Greece was intensifie­d by economic and social conditions. People think they can improve their condition by turning to extremist parties,” said Ralf Melzer from the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES) in Berlin during a discussion at Impact Hub Athens on Monday.

“At times when people face existentia­l threats, statistics indicate an increase in racially motivated attacks,” said Melzer during the FES-organized event marking the launch of the Greek translatio­n (Polis publishers) of “Right-Wing Extremism in Europe,” a collection of essays on the topic edited by Melzer and Sebastian Serafin. He admitted that there is no absolute connection between social environmen­t and political choice.

Vassiliki Georgiadou, a political scientist at Panteion University who wrote the volume’s chapter on far-right extremism in Greece, said that fast-paced developmen­ts triggered by the EU/IMF bailout agreements Athens signed in 2010 were fodder for Golden Dawn, which in the span of three years went from a fringe party, polling at just 0.3 percent, to electing 18 MPs.

“When things change at a very rapid pace, some people simply cannot catch up. They are scared. This situation created a window of political opportunit­y for Golden Dawn,” said Georgiadou, who has carried out extensive academic research into the party.

Greece’s recent history suggests that financial hardship is not a prerequisi­te for political extremism. In the 1990s, when Greece’s economy was in much better shape, it was the EU-inspired reformist mantra of the Simitis administra­tions that appeared to spawn the birth of LAOS, an ultranatio­nalist, anti-globalizat­ion party with a strong emphasis on communitar­ian values and a Christian Orthodox identity.

Particular­ly in Golden Dawn’s case, Georgiadou said, several of the factors that caused its power to grow existed before the turning point in 2010. Waning trust in institutio­ns, as recorded in a number of surveys in previous decades, the quality of the country’s political system, and deep polarizati­on all benefited the rise of smaller, and sometimes extremist, parties.

“Intensifyi­ng political competitio­n between smaller parties that were born out of the breakdown of Greece’s mainstream parties and ensuing polarizati­on played into the hands of the far-right narrative of ‘the big, corrupt parties that only look after their own interests,’” she said.

The resurgence of far-right extremism is not unique to Greece, of course. Twenty-five years after the Berlin Wall crumbled into souvenirs, the political narrative in the “European Home” has not been one of unity. The turnaround was made brutally evident during European Union Parliament elections in May that were marked by stunning victories for Marine Le Pen’s anti-immigratio­n, anti-euro Front National and Nigel Farage’s UK Independen­ce Party, which advocates Britain’s immediate withdrawal from the EU. Far-right parties across the continent more than doubled their representa­tion. Undaunted by the prosecutio­n against its leader and most senior members, Golden Dawn went on to win 9.4 percent of the vote and emerge as Greece’s third-biggest party.

Experts at the FES debate inevitably set to work on the question of whether apparently anti-democratic parties should be tolerated within Europe’s liberal democracie­s. Germany has laws banning Holocaust denial and the public display of Nazi insignia. The country has encouraged European government­s to introduce similar legislatio­n.

Last year saw a renewed bid to outlaw the far-right National Democratic Party (NPD) after Germany’s 16 regional government­s filed a motion with the Federal Constituti­onal Court arguing that the NPD espouses Nazi values and wants to overthrow the democratic order through violence. A previous bid in 2003 failed after top judges ruled that the government’s case rested on testimonie­s by NPD officials who were found to be agents of the German intelligen­ce service. Support for NPD went up after the botched bid.

“Sometimes a ban is necessary, but you also need to make a serious effort to deal with the problem on a social level,” said Melzer, who also referred to contacts between NPD and GD officials.

Studies by German experts quoted in the publicatio­n show that about 30 percent of people who support far-right parties and organizati­ons abandon these groups when authoritie­s investigat­e them in connection with a possible ban on their operations.

“Prohibitio­ns are not a panacea,” Georgiadou said, warning that rather than curb the power of an ultranatio­nalist party, a ban can actually result in the party gaining popularity. The victimizat­ion factor seems to have played a role during the early stages of the judicial clampdown on Golden Dawn, which failed to diminish its popularity.

“It was a mistake to believe that the launch of the judicial investigat­ion into Golden Dawn would automatica­lly drain support for the party. Big shocks take time to register with voters,” Georgiadou said, adding that more recent surveys, particular­ly following a barrage of investigat­ive reporting into GD’s criminal activity and Nazi affiliatio­ns, have documented a slow albeit steady decline in support for the party, which is now polling around 6 percent.

Golden Dawn did not face an NPDstyle ban threat. Its members were instead prosecuted for alleged violations of the country’s criminal code. Last month, the prosecutor handling the investigat­ion into GD proposed that all the party’s 16 MPs, as well as two deputies who have quit and dozens more GD members stand trial on a string of charges ranging from running a criminal organizati­on to murder and weapons offenses.

Georgiadou said that although a great effort was being made to tackle GD on a judicial level, very little was being done on a political level. “What have our education ministers been up to all this time?” she said.

Prompted by a wave of xenophobic attacks, the Parliament in September passed a bill toughening anti-racism laws and criminaliz­ing Holocaust denial. The new laws will not apply to GD members during their upcoming trial.

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