Stabroek News Sunday

Ndu nationalis­ts assert power in Modi’s India

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eeking more levero, Rao found in the e RSS an opportunic­ompany’s dominaarke­t. It was against he dispatched senior P Sateesh Kumar, a l genetics, to Monadquart­ers in 2015. Rao’s company, Ltd, was behind on o Monsanto and on up, by Monsanto’s than $20 million in American investor, LP, was waiting for rough. Nonetheles­s, a corner conference floor and conveyed a reduction in royalliver­ed its answer hat wasn’t going to

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ked in the dispute by yer AG, which is in ng the seed company so has the support of other seed heavyDow Chemical Co . In August, these a news conference d for transparen­cy in tion and licensing. hey warned, would estment in India. man referred queries onsanto to the RSS e Bharatiya Kisan ident, a man named said the union was who had approached ut Monsanto’s seed

for all of us to unite ainst Monsanto. No e, be it Rao or the” elkar told Reuters. g with him because he is fighting a battle that is meant for greater good.”

Monsanto and Rao are now locked in a series of government complaints, litigation and arbitratio­n.

Citing an Indian law that excludes seeds from being patented, Rao says Monsanto should never have been allowed to collect royalties after an initial payment to use its technology. Or, at the very least, he adds, prices should have been set by the government.

The technology currently licensed out by Monsanto is known as Bollgard II. The company received a patent in 2009 in India for Bollgard II’s ability to modify cotton seeds to include a microbe called Bacillus thuringien­sis (Bt), which fortifies cotton plants against bollworms.

Monsanto says Rao and a small group of other seed companies demanding a reduction in royalties are simply trying to renege on contracts and money owed. Dhiraj Pant, who oversees tech developmen­t for Monsanto across Asia, said it would have been preferable if the Indian seed companies had not pushed for the government to step in. “It is unfortunat­e that these disputing companies sought policy interventi­ons to address a bilateral matter,” said Pant.

The RSS, which has its own farmer and labour unions, was formed in 1925 to campaign against British colonial rule. It seeks to instill a nationalis­t vision of India as a Hindu nation, despite large minority population­s that include Muslims and Christians.

The group nurtured Modi’s rise – in his early days in the RSS he cleaned floors at a local chapter office. And the RSS helped form the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

But Modi and his RSS backers have differing views about the role of foreign multinatio­nals. In his 13 years as chief minister of the western state of Gujarat, Modi was an early supporter of geneticall­y modified cotton. His administra­tion there allowed farmers to plant Monsanto-modified seeds, known as Bt cotton, before the technology received official approval in New Delhi.

His approach contradict­ed the RSS stance against multinatio­nals operating in the agricultur­al sector, particular­ly when it comes to geneticall­y modified crops.

The tension simmered for years. After Modi’s election in 2014, the RSS began its push. A senior leader in the RSS farmers’ union, a man named Mohini Mohan Mishra, began holding study sessions with leaders in the ruling party and the Modi administra­tion to argue against geneticall­y modified crops. One of Mishra’s presentati­on slides pointed to the rise in popularity of organic food in the West.

Another slide said of Monsanto: “It created seed monopoly, a threat to seed sovereignt­y.”

Monsanto’s mistake was that it did not approach the RSS to plead its case, said Mishra in an interview at his office in central Delhi, which has peeling paint, dirty rugs and, in summer months, mosquitoes buzzing inside.

“It was the overconfid­ence of Monsanto that has destroyed their chances to do business in India,” said Mishra. “They failed to study and understand the RSS.”

Rao, meanwhile, was lobbying Modi’s government. Sometime in 2015, he met with Singh, the agricultur­e minister and RSS member.

The powerbroke­rs and officials of the Congress party that ruled India for most of its independen­t history tended to espouse secular ideology in clipped English accents that hinted at elite schooling at home and abroad. The RSS leadership speaks of rural roots and the virtues of the homegrown.

Singh is cut from that cloth. At the beginning of one interview he paused to fold a small wad of snuff in his left cheek as an attendant brought a metal spittoon. He was not hard to convince that Monsanto was in the wrong, said Rao.

“The truth is that Monsanto was dominating the market, and that is not good for India’s farming practices,” said Singh. “We should have our own seeds to compete with them.”

After Monsanto declared Rao’s company in breach of payment obligation­s and terminated its contract in November 2015, Singh’s agricultur­e ministry moved swiftly.

The next month, the ministry establishe­d a panel to fix the price of geneticall­y modified cotton seeds and the royalties Monsanto was allowed to collect.

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