Stabroek News Sunday

Global lessons on local content requiremen­ts for Guyana’s coming oil and gas extraction industry

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Introducti­on

Last week’s column had indicated that, starting today, I would seek to draw lessons arising from global experience­s with national local content requiremen­t (LCR) regimes, which are aimed at maximizing economic benefits derived from the creation of export-oriented oil and gas extraction industries, based on significan­t domestic resource finds. I shall further indicate these experience­s are very varied and derived from a wide range of both developed and developing economies. Of significan­ce also, these experience­s have been growing at a significan­t rate since the early 2000s.

The Organizati­on for Economic Cooperatio­n and Developmen­t (OECD) in a recent Trade Policy Note has revealed that, commencing with the financial crisis of 2008 and up to February last year (2016), as many as 140 LCRs regimes have been put in place worldwide. This observatio­n was made as an expression of deep concern.

And, the reason for concern is that orthodox economic theorizing (and establishe­d inter-government­al bodies like the OECD) hold the strong view available empirical economic evidence establishe­s clearly that, “long-standing and predominan­tly negative evidence of the detrimenta­l effects LCRs have had on those countries that have put these regimes in place”.

Readers of this column should not be surprised at this concern regarding the negative role LCRs are supposedly playing, in trade policy.

The claim is that government­s of all stripes erroneousl­y view LCRs as efforts to improve domestic employment and industrial performanc­e while empirical economic studies reveal consistent­ly that, over the long-run, LCRs 1) promote inefficien­t resource allocation; 2) generate increased costs both for the sectors benefiting from LCRs as well as other economic sectors; 3) result in trade reduction/diversion (both exports and imports); 4) inhibit growth; and 5) stifle productivi­ty, technology and innovation.

I point this out at some length here, just to alert readers to the fact that, despite the strong intuitive appeal of local content policy, and the slogan “producing in Guyana all that Guyana can produce”, the case for LCRs still has to be reasoned. It cannot be assumed and taken for granted. My discussion on this is intended to provide the reasoned case for LCRs in Guyana. I should advise, however, that the previous discussion­s on the notions of the enclave economy and infant industries do form an essential part of the economic rationale.

Lessons

Going directly to the heart of the matter, the first lesson I would draw for readers’ benefit in framing Guyana’s LCRs regime, is the need for a clear and precise conceptual definition of the LCRs that are intended to be implemente­d. Here I believe the best operationa­l economic definition available is the one offered by Sacha Silva in a 2013 Consultant Report to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Developmen­t (UNCTAD). There it aptly states: “the aim of LCRs is to create rent-based investment and import-substituti­ng incentives”.

This definition captures the overtones of Hossein Mahdavy’s notion of the “rentier economy”, which was introduced back in 1970.

This concept refers to circumstan­ces typical of Guyana-type economies, where after the establishm­ent of oil and gas extraction industries, they became substantia­lly reliant on external rents received for the use of its oil and gas resources, rather than on a strong domestic productive structure.

The chief advantage of this definition is that it establishe­s the need for a framework that requires specific laws and regulation­s, which unambiguou­sly commit foreign capital (investors and companies) to minimum thresholds of goods and services that must be purchased or procured locally.

As we shall note, going forward, experience also indicates that such thresholds should be expressed quantitati­vely (for example, through precisely stated percentage­s/ratios) and not qualitativ­ely (for example, using imprecise terms like ‘substantia­lly’ or ‘as far as feasible’).

From the perspectiv­e of internatio­nal trade this approach reveals the requiremen­ts for import quotas on specific goods and services.

And, the reason for this is, market demand is created by legislativ­e and administra­tive action, allowing for domestic value added substituti­on of imported inputs.

Readers should note as well that, as an economic strategy, this approach stands in contrast to earlier traditiona­l efforts to industrial­ize poor countries. Those had sought to develop protected industrial­ized export platforms in poor open countries, with all the risks attached to such an approach. Instead, the approach suggested by the definition above seeks to attract direct investment at reduced risk through the provision of domestic market protection.

A second lesson is that the approach identified here suggests is that effective LCR regimes should combine both stick and carrot approaches.

The stick-approach generally refers to items that fall under the rubric of performanc­e requiremen­ts. These include technology transfer requiremen­ts, employment targets, domestic input stipulatio­ns, training requiremen­ts, Research Developmen­t and Informatio­n (RDI) stipulatio­ns, domestic equity/ownership requiremen­ts, and much more.

These are imposed on investors/companies with respect to their operations in the country.

As we shall note later some of these measures are not permitted at various intergover­nmental forums; and, specifical­ly, the Trade Related Investment Measures (TRIMS), under the World Trade Organizati­on (WTO) Agreement.

The carrot approach refers to items that fall under the rubric of investment incentives.

These are generally designed to offset costs of doing business for those that choose to operate under a LCRs regime. These incentives cover a wide range of items, including direct transfers such as grants for RDI and pioneer status for new investment to indirect transfers such as low cost (cheap) provision of government services.

There are few available economic estimates of the size of these subsidies. However, the UNCTAD study cited above has estimated this at being valued for about US$300 billion globally, in the early 2000s.

Conclusion

Next week I shall continue with the identifica­tion of useful lessons Guyana can learn from worldwide experience­s with LCRs in general and in the oil and gas sector, specifical­ly.

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