Stabroek News Sunday

Oil, Government Take & Spending: Navigating Guyana’s Developmen­t Challenges - 15

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Introducti­on

Today’s column starts my evaluation of the Green Paper on Guyana’s Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF), laid by the Government of Guyana (GoG) in the National Assembly on August 8th, 2018. The GoG plans to establish the Fund in 2019 as the Natural Resources Fund (NRF). By way of introducti­on, my previous column had revisited earlier observatio­ns on SWFs (January 1 to February 5, 2017). Back then, the GoG had indicated that an SWF was one of three priorities, to be establishe­d in 2017. The implementa­tion lag is duly noted!

Today’s column, therefore, continues to discuss the challenge represente­d by “external financial-economic interests,” insisting that Guyana spends its anticipate­d petroleum revenues along a “permanent income hypothesis path.” This challenge is listed eighth on my list of top-ten developmen­t challenges, which Guyana will face as petroleum revenues are spent.

The Ministry of Finance (MoF) summarily categorise­s the Green Paper into two parts: 1) managing petroleum revenues through the Fund; and 2) establishi­ng a fiscal rule to govern Fund operations. My evaluation recognises these two categories, and treats with them in the order indicated. Additional­ly, the Green Paper describes the SWF as having two primary emphases. One emphasis is on “economic stability, savings and spending” and the other is on “transparen­cy and accountabi­lity.” I recognise that both are embedded as controllin­g governors for the mechanisms of the SWF.

Structure

The Green Paper is organised around seven issues. Several of these are technical (or narrowly operationa­l) and the remainder emphasise organisati­onal/institutio­nal/legal considerat­ions. The Paper’s introducto­ry Section provides a brief chronologi­cal background to its production and rationale.

The seven issues: are 1) whether a single or multiple funds?; 2) the “agreed purpose” of the SWF (NRF); 3) integratio­n of Fund finances into national budgetary processes; 4) a recommende­d fiscal rule to govern Fund operations; 5) the modalities for managing the NRF; 6) broad guidelines governing Fund investment­s; and, finally, 7) NRF reporting and auditing procedures. I shall consider the technical issues related to the NRF in next week’s column. The remainder of today’s column focuses on organisati­onal/institutio­nal features.

Approach

My previous column indicated several necessary features for Guyana’s SWF. These reflect: 1) prevailing economic conditions; 2) the nature and size of the petroleum finds; and 3) developmen­t priorities set by the Green State Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Vision and Goals. These features ensure the SWF cannot be simply purchased “off-the-shelf,” based on a “one-size-fits-all” template. By definition, the SWF has to be country-specific. The Green Paper broadly adopts this approach. Indeed, it explicitly asserts the need to be country-specific. But, how successful this will be, cannot be ascertaine­d a priori. It will evolve out of practice; intention alone does not determine outcome, execution is required.

Furthermor­e, I had urged that the GoG approaches establishi­ng the NRF as an iterative or evolving process. That is, mechanisms to provide feedback are essential. And, so too is the requiremen­t for the GoG to be responsive to all constructi­ve critiques. On paper, the Green State expresses openness to dialogue and feedback, but as noted above, execution determines the final outcome.

These considerat­ions apart, the Green Paper declares for certain organisati­onal options, noted below:

Green Paper Options

One such option is that the Green Paper prioritise­s the ‘Dutch Disease,’ the Presource and Resource Curse from among the developmen­tal challenges. Personally, I find it hard to accept these are sufficient­ly representa­tive of Guyana’s developmen­t challenges. The reason why I have highlighte­d ten (10) developmen­t challenges (in no particular order) is because I cannot rationalis­e reducing the challenges to fewer than ten. The Green Paper offers otherwise.

Secondly, the Green Paper opts for a single fund (NRF) designed to pursue multiple objectives (stabilisat­ion, investment in developmen­t, intergener­ational savings). It presents arguments for and against single versus multipole funds. It considers experience­s of other countries in this regard. It seems to me, however, the crucial deciding factor is that, anticipate­d costs of multiple funds are too high compared to the value of likely benefits!

Thirdly, the NRF is based on petroleum revenues, as well as revenues derived from other natural resources: mining and forestry. Data presented last week showed 54 percent of SWF assets,, globally, are held against petroleum revenues. The remaining SWFs assets are financed from non-petroleum commodity revenues and “other” items. This is, therefore, not a novel option in the Green Paper. It is pragmatic and sensible.

Management of the NRF

Two leading bodies are responsibl­e for the coming into existence of the NRF: Parliament (responsibl­e for passing the NRF Act and the Budget); and the MoF (responsibl­e for overall management of the NRF; the Budgetary process; and specific bodies the Act will bring into existence). This will be discussed further next week.

BState Investors and Global Capitalist Accumulati­on ecause SWFs are made up of state investors/capital, they create potential sources of tension and conflict in today’s global economy, whose expansion and growth remain fundamenta­lly driven by private marketbase­d circuits of capital accumulati­on. I had observed last week that the purveyors of the “benefits of SWFs” are rarely honest enough to acknowledg­e that this is the status quo in their recommenda­tions. As a result, naïve, uncritical elements, echo the “undisputed virtues and benefits” of SWFs, with no understand­ing of their limitation­s. Ignorance of the benefactor­s of the “status quo” is bliss to them.

On reading between the lines, however, I think the intended NRF appears somewhat sensitive to this considerat­ion. It may be that, for strategic reasons, it does not acknowledg­e the basic contradict­ion pointed out above. I speculate here, because I have been in no way, manner or form, ever been involved in the preparatio­n, planning or conceptual­isation of the NRF. Indeed, I make this observatio­n because the NRF, as drafted, postulates a good balance between fiscal rules (to be discussed next week) and discretion­ary action (as exercised by the peoples’ elected representa­tives in Parliament). As stated clearly last week, I believe so-called “experts” and “unelected” critics play useful roles. Nonetheles­s, they constitute the greatest dangers for subverting the public’s will, because of their so-called “certitudes,” where ignorance can be bliss for the benefactor­s from the status quo!

Conclusion

Attempts to cater for the state-private capital contradict­ion has led to coordinate­d self-regulation of SWFs, guided by internatio­nal financial institutio­ns. As I proceed, I shall develop on this theme in coming columns.

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