Stabroek News Sunday

Venezuela has only a nodding acquaintan­ce with rationalit­y

- (This column is reproduced with permission from Ralph Ramkarran’s blog, www.conversati­onstree.gy)

In his speech to the United Nations General Assembly on September 20, President Irfaan Ali referred to a “very threatenin­g message from Venezuela” in the form of a Communique attacking Guyana for advertisin­g oil blocks in Guyana’s sovereign waters. The Venezuelan Government responded that: “The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela will always assert its legitimate rights over the territory of Guayana Esequiba, through direct negotiatio­ns as establishe­d in the Geneva Agreement and in the spirit of peace that guides our diplomacy.” The Venezuelan view that the Geneva Agreement mandates that the border controvers­y must be resolved by direct negotiatio­ns has persisted for many years.

The only part of the Geneva Agreement that specifical­ly provides for direct negotiatio­ns to lead to “practical settlement,” is Article 1. It states: “A Mixed Commission shall be establishe­d with the task of seeking satisfacto­ry solutions for the practical settlement of the controvers­y between Venezuela and the United Kingdom which has arisen as the result of the Venezuelan contention that the Arbitral Award of 1899 about the frontier between British Guiana and Venezuela is null and void.” Article IV provides that: “If, within a period of four years from the date of this Agreement, the Mixed Commission shall not have arrived at a full agreement of the solution of the controvers­y it shall, in its final report, refer to the Government of Guyana and the Government of Venezuela any outstandin­g questions. Those Government­s shall without delay choose one of the means of peaceful settlement provided in Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations.” With the expiry of the Mixed Commission in 1970, the obligation to seek “practical settlement” by direct negotiatio­n ended.

The Port of Spain Protocol between Venezuela and Guyana suspended Article IV of the Geneva Agreement for twelve years. The next stage under Article IV, after the expiry of the Port of Spain Protocol, was to choose one of the means of “peaceful settlement” under Article 33 of the UN Charter. The means provided by Article 33 are negotiatio­n, enquiry, mediation, conciliati­on, arbitratio­n, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies, or other peaceful means. With the assistance of the UN Secretary General (UNSG), the parties chose his Good Offices. There were no terms of reference to this process so that there was no obligation to arrive at “practical solutions” by direct negotiatio­n.

This process lasted from the late 1980s until about 2010 without any progress. Venezuela has never said so publicly, but its understand­ing of a “practical settlement” is the cession of territory by Guyana, which has pervaded discourses since 1966. Guyana’s understand­ing of the Geneva process is that Venezuela must produce evidence that the Arbitral Award of 1899 is null and void as a pre-requisite to a “practical settlement.” No such evidence has ever been produced. Venezuela’s persistenc­e after 1970 that a “practical settlement” be arrived at by direct negotiatio­n is based on propaganda, not the Geneva Agreement. In Venezuela’s attempt to invoke sympathy from government­s by portraying that Guyana is obstinate in refusing to talk, it does not refer to the direct talks since 1970, including Enhanced Mediation, 2016-2018, under the auspices of the UNSG. It does not refer to Article IV (2) of the Geneva Agreement which gives power to the UNSG to choose another of the means under Article 33 if the one chosen does not yield a settlement.

Article V of the Geneva Agreement provides for the maintenanc­e of the status quo. It provides that nothing in the Agreement shall be interprete­d as a “renunciati­on or diminution” by the two countries “of any basis of claim to territoria­l sovereignt­y,” “or of any previously asserted [such] rights.” The Article further provides that “no acts or activities…shall constitute a basis for asserting” a claim to territoria­l sovereignt­y or create any such rights.

On the basis of the above provision, which Venezuela has dishonestl­y and deliberate­ly misinterpr­eted for decades, it has deprived Guyana of much needed foreign direct investment in the Essequibo region by intimidati­ng foreign countries on the basis that Essequibo is “disputed” territory, when it had the clout to do so. This stopped under President Chavez as a gesture of “antiimperi­alist” solidarity, but its bitter taste has returned with the political duopoly of Nicolas Maduro and Delcy Rodriguez.

The most egregious violation of the Geneva Agreement, however, is Venezuela’s immoral, unscrupulo­us and dishonoura­ble referendum in which it asks its electorate at question 5: “Do you agree with the creation of the Guayana Esequiba State and the developmen­t of an accelerate­d plan for the comprehens­ive care of the current and future population of that territory that includes, among others, the granting of citizenshi­p and Venezuelan identity card in accordance with the Geneva Agreement and internatio­nal law, consequent­ly incorporat­ing said state on the map of Venezuelan territory?”

Upon reading this question, no one can but conclude that Venezuela has only a nodding acquaintan­ce with rationalit­y as regards the Geneva Agreement, which it has persistent­ly, flagrantly and deliberate­ly misinterpr­eted and violated. To seek to incorporat­e Essequibo as part of Venezuela is an act of treachery to the Geneva Agreement, internatio­nal law and Guyana. If the referendum, an act of egregious aggression, passes, Guyana should terminate diplomatic relations with Venezuela.

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