Stabroek News

Guyana needs an informed and dispassion­ate debate on local content policies for oil industry

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Dear Editor,

The heading of yesterday’s Sunday Stabroek column by Professor Clive Thomas “Why local content measures are considered ‘backward backdoor protection­ism?’, while framed as a question, conveys in my view, an unfortunat­e negative connotatio­n about local content policies. Dr. Thomas holds the prestigiou­s and influentia­l position of Presidenti­al Advisor on Sustainabl­e Developmen­t and his writings will no doubt help to shape national policies. Admittedly, the two preceding columns seemed more disposed to local content requiremen­ts (LCR) in oil and gas contracts but in this latest column, I am less sure.

Oil discoverie­s have been made in deepwater areas off Guyana, which means that the first time we will be able to use our oil is after it has been shipped off to a refinery and re-imported into Guyana. If the advisers, policy makers and the managers of the economy, choose to think that local content is not an important matter, the public needs to understand that the major difference between when the first oil flows and now, will at best be manifested in lower domestic fuel price and the balance going into the public revenues. Under Guyana’s model Production Sharing Agreement, there is no separate tax revenue: the Government’s share of profit oil includes the taxes. What this means is that we can use our share of profit oil as we see fit: the Government can sell the oil on the domestic market at reduced prices, or put the value into the Consolidat­ed Fund, or a combinatio­n of the two. At this stage, the Constituti­on allows only for a single Consolidat­ed Fund and would need to be amended to create a Sovereign Wealth Fund.

Dr. Thomas’ column yesterday seeks to summarise two reports on local content policies in the petroleum sector. The first is by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Developmen­t (UNCTAD) and the other by the World Bank. I do not share Dr. Thomas’ view of these as examples of “even more formidable body of empirical studies examining the operations of LCRs in the oil and gas sector”. Guyana has certainly gone through an intellectu­al transforma­tion from the days when the World Bank-endorsed IMF’s Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) was parodied as Empty Rice Pot by the leadership of both the PPP and the WPA.

Guyana needs to have a serious, informed and dispassion­ate debate on local content policies, in which the writings and statements of every participan­t is challenged with respect and objective responses. I believe that the Natural Resources Minister is making a genuine effort to have that debate as a prelude to formal legislatio­n which must come well before 2020. He deserves the best possible advice.

Let me also draw attention to a few of the debatable matters from the publicatio­ns of UNCTAD and World Bank dealt with in Dr. Thomas’ series. ● That local content requiremen­ts (LCR) “should be administer­ed by institutio­ns of high standing”. What we need is not another expensive layer of opaque bureaucrac­y but regulation­s which require Comply or Explain and that these requiremen­ts be built into the Exploratio­n and the Production Agreements with penalties for violations.

● UNCTAD’s recommenda­tion that LCRs should be “calibrated”, and therefore, “implemente­d orderly over time.” Oil is a non-renewable resource and does not offer lots of scope for any extended calibratio­n. Can someone please go back and look at the Cambior – Government of Guyana Mineral Agreement for gold exploratio­n at Omai?

● LCRs are “second best solutions.” A look at the model Production Sharing Agreement confirms that we have already lost the opportunit­y for the “first best solution” and we need to grasp at the available second best solutions before it is too late.

● That cost-benefit appraisals should precede the setting of all LCRs targets. Why do we need to reinvent the wheel? There are scores of examples and experience­s from which to draw.

● From his perspectiv­e, it is hard to imagine how Guyana (with its limited capability) can resist what he predicts will be a determined pushback against LCR’s. First, it is the law and second, it is unbelievab­ly cowardly and a defeatist approach by any host country which has sovereignt­y over the resources.

● That the World Bank Study concludes that “[w]hile local content policies have the potential to stimulate broad-based economic developmen­t, their applicatio­n in petroleum-rich countries [has] achieved modest results”. That quotation leaves out some important qualifying words. Even if space constraint­s necessitat­ed the exclusion of the very important words “which is necessary to alleviate poverty and achieve the United Nation’s Millennium Developmen­t Goals (MDGs)” to qualify “broad-based economic developmen­t”, the reader should have been alerted by the insertion of the ellipsis.

Guyana needs to honour its contractua­l obligation­s and be a good host and partner to internatio­nal investors and oil companies. But it must never hesitate to pursue the national interest, assert its rights, and hold all investors accountabl­e. Yours faithfully, Christophe­r Ram

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