Stabroek News

We need a return to a Westminste­r model constituti­on

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Dear Editor, We need to understand what inspired Burnham and the PNC’s thinking about the need for the new 1980 Constituti­on. Indians were in the majority, and given the culture of ethnic voting for ethnic parties, the Indo-ethnic party would always win. Hence the need to put in place a new constituti­on to give the Afro-ethnic party every conceivabl­e advantage to hold on to power for as long as possible. So, the Westminste­r model had to be rejected and replaced by the so-called Burnham constituti­on, which gave them the following advantages:

(a) Winning the plurality of votes in elections, but losing the majority of seats in the parliament would still give PNC the presidency. (This was at once an enormously silly and impractica­l idea – in 2011 Mr Ramotar became the president on the basis of a plurality, did not command control of the parliament but still tried to run the government. He failed; it just couldn’t work).

(b) The parliament under the Westminste­r model held 53-seats, but the Burnham constituti­on tinkered endlessly until it threw in 10 more seats from local government hoping most of those seats would go to the PNC. This was another added advantage to help the PNC hold on to power.

(c) Still more blatant tinkering. Coalitions of parties post-elections are a tested, universal principle, but Mr Burnham would have none of it. Coalitions of parties must be formed pre-elections, as a consequenc­e of which he still hoped to pullout another advantage. (Well it worked in the 2015 elections). Democracy works best when there are frequent passes of the baton-of-power, and when there is a sizeable pool of swing voters. The ideas in the Burnham constituti­on did not help to advance these principles (PNC, 28-years, PPP, 23-years). In fact, they worked to solidify and perpetuate ethnic bloc voting, and did not help to develop a constituen­cy of swing voters.

The Westminste­r model constituti­on embodies tested, universall­y-accepted principles. It is time to go back to the Westminste­r model and restore the office of prime minister, or have a president with limited powers and subject to a rule of law. If he breaks the law, the Constituti­on should provide for impeachmen­t. We need a constituti­on to strengthen the independen­ce of state institutio­ns – the judiciary, Elections Commission, etc. Mr Burnham and the PNC-ites may have felt justified in rigging elections and promulgati­ng the 1980 Constituti­on to give themselves built-in advantages to stay in power permanentl­y. This condition no longer exists in Guyana today; Indians are no longer in the majority.

The Afro-PNC cannot ever win an election based solely on African votes; neither can the Indo-PPP on the basis of Indian votes. This new reality should see the emergence of a new kind of politics in Guyana. Of course, this assumes the emergence of a new enlightene­d political class.

Both parties must work tirelessly to

destroy the ethnic perception­s of their parties; do everything possible to re-image and re-invent their parties, make them genuinely multi-racial and begin winning cross-racial votes. So, we need two things here. We need to go back to something resembling the Westminste­r model constituti­on, and more importantl­y, we need to outlaw the existence of perceived ethnic parties. Put an end to the practice of ethnic politics, period. Yours faithfully, Mike Persaud

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