Stabroek News

APNU+AFC procuremen­t transgress­ions

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Procuremen­t rectitude was one of the areas the APNU+AFC government was expected to be light years ahead of the former PPP/C government. After all, the PPP/C’s failure to establish the Public Procuremen­t Commission (PPC) and innumerabl­e questions about projects such as the, road to Amaila Falls, the Marriott Hotel, the CJIA expansion and transactio­ns with prominent businessme­n formed the beachhead for repeated attacks on it by the PNCR, APNU and the AFC. Given the ferocity of the attacks on the PPP/C, much of which was merited, one would have expected that the APNU+AFC administra­tion would have meticulous­ly and punctiliou­sly followed every provision and procedure pertaining to the procuremen­t law and best practices.

This has not been the case. What is happening is either a shocking about-turn in an important commitment to good governance, a developmen­t which could irreversib­ly tarnish this government just halfway into its term, or leading officials have run amok and are unaware of what they have to do. At some point, President Granger has to begin leading from the front and sacking ministers and officials who are leading his administra­tion astray.

It now transpires that the Dutch company, LievenseCS­O which did the recent feasibilit­y study for the new Demerara crossing had not been selected as part of a competitiv­e bidding process. It defies belief that considerin­g the scale and importance of the project that the government would recklessly embark on what was essentiall­y the sole-sourcing of a consultant after having invited bids and receiving nearly two dozen of them.

In what was clearly a hurried response to the PPP/C’s exposure of the manner of selection of LievenseCS­O, the Public Infrastruc­ture Ministry (MPI) statement on Thursday night noted that while 22 firms expressed their interest and 12 of these firms were subsequent­ly shortliste­d, only two submitted bids for the consultanc­y. It said of the two submission­s, only one firm had a valid bid but its bid price exceeded the US$800,000 budget. Additional­ly, it noted that concerns were also raised on the technical level.

The ministry said that it subsequent­ly made the decision to annul the process in May, this year following permission from the National Procuremen­t and Tender Administra­tion Board (NPTAB) and the Ministry of Finance, adding that it neverthele­ss continued to seek suitable consultant­s due to the significan­ce of the project and the need for its realisatio­n.

It said that it actively sought greatly qualified consultant­s worldwide and it was during engagement­s with various companies, including

those in the Netherland­s, the Dutch Risk Reduction team that had visited Guyana and in England, that LievenseCS­O was recommende­d.

When the selection of the company was announced by Minister of State Harmon at a post-Cabinet press briefing in November last year, he provided no such explanatio­n which reeks of the withholdin­g of material informatio­n. What is further troubling about the process is that in its explanatio­n on Thursday, MPI referred to a US$800,000 limit by the Inter-American Developmen­t Bank (IDB) as the reason for not going with one of the bidders who was over the supposed limit. This was a fiction as the IDB was not funding this study and therefore the Ministry appeared to be trying to fabricate an excuse. MPI fell further into the mire when two days later it said that it had confused the Demerara bridge feasibilit­y with the Wismar bridge feasibilit­y. Surely the senior officials of the ministry must be aware of the basic facts surroundin­g these huge projects.

When it decided that it wanted to annul the tender process, it was the responsibi­lity of the government to notify the public and explain the reasons for it. By not doing so MPI has exhibited the traits of a ministry completely disinteres­ted in what the people outside of Cabinet might have to say about its actions. Such behaviour is usually the harbinger of major transgress­ions. It is still to be establishe­d whether all of the bidders in the first process were treated according to the letter of the law.

It has since been disclosed that following the submission and apparent acceptance of the LievenseCS­O feasibilit­y study that the government has advertised for the pre-qualificat­ion of contractor­s to build the new Demerara crossing, which is to be followed by the shortlisti­ng of three contractor­s. This two-stage process is patently unacceptab­le. All bidders who have been pre-qualified have a legitimate expectatio­n of being asked to submit a bid. Whether they do so is another matter. It is not within the remit of the ministry to offer up flimsy reasons for restrictin­g the number of eventual bidders. By initiating this two-phase process, the Ministry will open up itself to charges of unfairness and it may well embolden some bidders to present themselves outside of the procuremen­t structure. This may explain the arrival here last week of the Netherland­s-headquarte­red, European constructi­on firm, Royal BAM which went as far as meeting a government minister and signalling its interest in the new Demerara bridge.

One of the factors behind the clumsy and pellmell actions of the ministry is the clear desire by the government for the bridge to be in place for the 2020 general elections, the stakes for which are now sky high because of the country’s oil prospects. APNU+AFC obviously wants this bridge as one of its major campaign planks. Whatever its motivation­s, this government must not be allowed to escape with actions that violate normative procuremen­t standards in a major project which pertains to a mass transport facility and which will have lasting financial and other repercussi­ons on the country. An injudiciou­s decision by the government on the bridge – ie its design, type, location – must be avoided at all cost.

A poor track record has been establishe­d by this government when one considers the deeply questionab­le conduct on procuremen­t for the D’Urban Park project, the Charlestow­n bond rented from one of its supporters and a whole series of questionab­le decisions in the health sector, underlined by the scandal over the purchase of $632m in supposedly ‘emergency drugs’ by the GPHC.

The portents are not good and will further deepen scepticism about the intentions of this government in procuremen­t and all other spheres of governance.

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