Stabroek News

No attempt made to reconstitu­te Judicial Service Commission

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Dear Editor, It is common knowledge that our constituti­onal structure embraces the doctrine of Separation of Powers, which divides government­al functions of the State into three main branches, namely, the Executive, the Legislatur­e and the Judiciary. This doctrine postulates that these three organs, which are ascribed, clearly delineated functions, must be allowed to discharge those functional responsibi­lities independen­tly, autonomous­ly and freely from any form of extrinsic interferen­ce.

However, unlike most Commonweal­th territorie­s, in our constituti­onal matrix, the Executive President is the fountain of all Executive powers within the State. In the purest form of the Westminste­r model Constituti­on this responsibi­lity is shared between the Head of Government (the Prime Minister or Chief Minister) and the Head of State (the President or the Queen represente­d by her Governor General). The Executive President in Guyana represents a unison of the two. As a result, the Executive branch of Government enjoys a significan­t advantage over the two other organs of government because it controls the financial machinery of the State, and therefore the other two organs depend upon it for their funding, though guaranteed as a direct charge from the Consolidat­ed Fund. The Executive also enjoys the power to elect a Speaker of the National Assembly and dictate the agenda of that National Assembly, as well as, being vested with the authority to make the most powerful appointmen­ts within the Judiciary, although bound by certain processes in relation thereto, outlined in the said Constituti­on.

In recognitio­n of being in this peculiarly advantageo­us position, it is incumbent upon the Executive branch of Government, in Guyana’s constituti­onal structure, to ensure that it does not abuse this advantage and that at all times it magnanimou­sly ensures that these constituti­onal institutio­ns are adequately resourced and appointmen­ts to offices within them are timely made. On the contrary, this Administra­tion has been exploiting that advantage.

Since, this Administra­tion assumed the reins of executive Government, it has been in constant confrontat­ion or at a minimum, uneasy peace with the Judicial Service Commission. I have written several articles detailing the Attorney General’s public refusal to recognise the JSC’s constituti­onal power to appoint certain officers within the Deeds and Commercial Registry Authority and his refusal to allow those officers to discharge their functional responsibi­lities. One of these officers was forced to seek the protection of the High Court and was eventually vindicated by a Judgment. The other officer was virtually hounded out of office by the institutio­n of fabricated criminal charges, undoubtedl­y inspired by malice aforethoug­ht.

I also wrote several articles highlighti­ng the President’s failure to act, for nearly a year, upon recommenda­tions made by the then JSC to elevate certain puisne Judges to the Court of Appeal and to elevate and to appoint persons as High Court Judges and Commission­ers of Title. The shocking response of the Government to my criticisms was that the Constituti­on does not stipulate any time period for the President to act upon these recommenda­tions. Those who truly understand the language and spirit of the Constituti­on and the law would tell you that the President is expected to act in those circumstan­ces with every convenient speed. Many have drawn the reasonable inference that the presidenti­al delay was deliberate and intended to await the retirement of certain members of the then JSC.

These political manipulati­ons are designed to undermine the Constituti­on and our democracy. I have written at length about similar interferen­ces with the Police Service Commission and the Public Service Commission by members of this Government. That these attempts were denounced by rulings from the High Court are well publicised and documented. The unilateral appointmen­t of the Chairman of GECOM cannot be excluded from this constituti­onal admixture. I say, with respect, that the Learned Chief Justice is hopelessly wrong on this matter, hence, the appeal.

The life of the membership of the last JSC expired since the 30th September 2017 - ten months ago! Thus far, I am unaware of any discernibl­e steps being taken by this Administra­tion to reconstitu­te the JSC. As a result, there has been a huge constituti­onal vacuum. No coroner, nor magistrate nor judge could have been, or can now, be appointed. There are two Judges who are currently sitting in the Guyana Court of Appeal who were appointed to act as Justices of Appeal for specified periods. Those appointmen­ts will expire within a month. There is no JSC, which can recommend an extension or their replacemen­ts. The Attorney General appears blissfully unconcerne­d about this deplorable state of affairs and seems preoccupie­d with a countrywid­e campaign to re-elect himself as chairman of the PNC.

It is against the aforementi­oned backdrop, that I remain unconvince­d that the President’s sudden haste to make substantiv­e appointmen­ts to the office of the Chancellor and Chief Justice is accentuate­d by any genuine concern for constituti­onal compliance. In my view, it is driven by a different motive. In sum, with every passing day, I become a little more convinced that this Administra­tion is authoritar­ian in nature and the democratic norms, traditions and the Constituti­on are conceptual­ly and ideologica­lly viewed as obstacles in its path. Yours faithfully, Anil Nandlall

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