China Daily

City rivalries are an engine for developmen­t

- The author is dean of the School of Economics at Fudan University and director of the China Center for Economic Studies, a Shanghai-based think tank. Project Syndicate Zhang Jun

Such comprehens­ive strategies have enhanced further the role of China’s major cities in advancing structural change, and contribute­d to major shifts in the sources of economic dynamism of China.

Over the past five years, the country’s northeaste­rn region — home to industries such as oil refining and steelmakin­g – has been facing an accelerati­ng decline, as have the country’s rich mineral resource areas such as Hebei province and the Inner Mongolia autonomous region. China’s traditiona­l industries are suffering, and as a result, over the last decade, the population­s of about one-third of China’s 600 cities have declined. Thus the prospects for dispersed population­s away from China’s megacities have diminished. But all these are actually a result of what is widely considered very good news: China’s economic transforma­tion is progressin­g.

In recent years, China’s economy has become increasing­ly reliant on new technology and modern service industries, including the mobile internet, artificial intelligen­ce, smart cars, drones, robots, virtual reality, wearable devices, green technology, and more. This has led to jobs and growth becoming increasing­ly concentrat­ed in some high-productivi­ty megacities, making them magnets for skilled labor and venture capital.

The rapid growth of China’s high-tech industries was thrown into sharp relief earlier this month at the annual Consumer Electronic­s Show in Las Vegas, Nevada, where Chinese firms accounted for 40 percent of all exhibitors — a figure that would have been unthinkabl­e just five years ago. Many of those firms are from Shenzhen, China’s first special economic zone and now the country’s leading technology center.

But Shenzhen is not alone. Several other Chinese cities — for example, Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chengdu, and Xi’an — are also working to foster cutting-edge industries. In fact, these cities’ competitio­n to generate stronger growth than their counterpar­ts — a contest sustained by the political incentives the central government has long provided to local officials — has played a driving role in China’s rapid industrial­ization and ongoing structural transforma­tion.

Over the short term, it is difficult to assess precisely the role of inter-urban competitio­n in promoting the developmen­t of China’s high-tech industries, although there are undoubtedl­y some negative effects. But, over the long term, the outcomes of such horizontal competitio­n are generally positive, owing to the incentives it creates for local government officials to think creatively, experiment effectivel­y, and pursue forward-looking policies.

Indeed, studies carried out by economists, including me, have shown that competitio­n among local government­s made a major contributi­on to the rapid industrial­ization that China experience­d in the 1990s. A key reason for this was that land — which played an important role in early industrial­ization — is owned and managed largely by local government­s in China. So Chinese county government­s used land as leverage in order to attract foreign direct investment, particular­ly in the Pearl River Delta and the Yangtze River Delta in the 1980s and 1990s.

Over the last decade, such competitio­n has persisted, but has increasing­ly been led by major cities. Rising wages and sharply declining returns to capital in traditiona­l industrial sectors have underscore­d the need to accelerate modernizat­ion — an imperative that has been reflected consistent­ly in the central government’s reform strategies. So China’s major cities have been fostering innovative and high-tech industries and modern services in the new economy.

One of China’s premier megacities has long been Shanghai. But, in recent years, Shenzhen has become a tech hub, and Hangzhou, where Alibaba is based, is a rising star in the digital economy.

Shenzhen’s GDP reached some 2.2 trillion ($343 billion) yuan in 2017, higher than that of Hong Kong and Guangzhou, and was surpassed only by Shanghai and Beijing. Now, officials in Shanghai and Guangzhou, the capital of Guangdong province where Shenzhen is located, have added motivation to pursue new growth and productivi­ty-enhancing policies, including upgraded initiative­s to attract entreprene­urship and human capital.

China’s major cities have created and implemente­d policy packages aimed at supporting innovative start-ups, as well as a series of measures to attract talent, including individual tax incentives, home-purchase subsidies, and attractive healthcare and education benefits. The leaders of several big cities, including Shanghai, have lately called for a stronger commitment to such policies and for them to be incorporat­ed into broader efforts to improve the local business environmen­t. Such comprehens­ive strategies have enhanced further the role of China’s major cities in advancing structural change, and contribute­d to major shifts in the sources of economic dynamism of China.

Of course, such competitio­n carries risks — in particular, short-sighted efforts to boost growth in ways that exacerbate misallocat­ion of resources, overcapaci­ty and high financial leverage. But Beijing municipal government, for one, is attempting to mitigate these risks, by shifting its focus from encouragin­g the highest possible growth rate to ensuring higher-quality growth. In most cases, sustainabl­e growth will arise from major cities’ pursuit of high-tech and modern service industries.

China’s cities remain vital sources of economic growth for the country. While some will undoubtedl­y struggle, others will serve as critical engines of China’s economic transforma­tion, fueling dynamism across the entire global economy.

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