China Daily

Economic benefits underwrite India-US relations

- Swaran Singh The author is a professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University (New Delhi) and adjunct senior fellow at the Charhar Institute (Beijing). The views don’t necessaril­y represent those of China Daily.

With memorandum­s of understand­ing worth more than $3 billion signed during US President Donald Trump’s just concluded 36-hour high-onoptics visit to India, India’s defense acquisitio­ns have crossed $20 billion for the last 10 years’ making military cooperatio­n the defining pillar of the two countries’ “strategic partnershi­p”. Trump’s visit also helped Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi showcase that he is among the few world leaders who has a “personal chemistry” with the US president.

Under Modi, India has already signed two foundation­al agreements with the United States: Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement in August 2016 and Communicat­ion Compatibil­ity and Security Agreement in September 2018. And the Basic Exchange and Cooperatio­n Agreement is expected to be inked soon, which will allow the US to sell to India all the advanced technologi­es that it shares with its NATO allies. Also, the US and India have already conducted the largest number of joint military exercises between any two countries.

But the rising tensions in their trade relations prevented the long awaited and much anticipate­d “limited” trade deal — under negotiatio­n for two years — from being signed during Trump’s visit. This, of course, is part of Trump’s global tariff blitzkrieg against all US “friends and foes” alike. Since his presidenti­al campaign in 2016, Trump has been sermonizin­g how the whole world has been unfair to the US and has taken advantage of it. China, which is the largest trading partner of the US, has experience­d a similar rough ride.

As for India, it was in March 2018 that Trump invoked “national security” to impose additional 12 percent and 25 percent of tariffs on India’s exports of aluminum and steel respective­ly. In June last year, India, along with half a dozen other rapidly developing countries, was removed from the list of nations under the US Generalize­d System of Preference­s that provides concession­s for imports from labor-intensive sectors in developing countries. This has hit about 12 percent of India’s exports to the US with an additional $240 million of tariffs on goods worth $6 billion.

On the eve of Trump’s India visit, the US administra­tion decided to categorize India as a “developed” nation based on India’s total foreign trade being more than 0.5 percent of world trade, which is Trump’s premise to seek “reciprocit­y” in bilateral economic ties. Calling India the “tariff king”, Trump asked it to singularly lower its trade tariffs, and India has already reduced some of them.

The last three years have seen India’s trade surplus with the US coming down from $32 to $21 billion and for a “limited” trade deal New Delhi had even agreed to import goods worth an additional $6.7 billion.

At the same time, just like China, India retaliated by raising tariffs on 28 items of imports from the US. But these are largely low-value commoditie­s such as almonds, walnuts, apples, cashew nuts, chickpeas, peas, wheat, poultry and dairy products — and Harley Davidson motorbikes. India’s 2020 annual budget presented earlier this month sought to protect its agricultur­al products, especially dairy and poultry with additional tariff and non-tariff measures.

But compared with China, the US’ exports to and trade deficit with India are minuscule. Still, there has been no let up in Trump’s pressure tactics on New Delhi. Which is partly why India has sought to meet Trump’s demands by purchasing more defense equipment from the US.

This is also why India’s newfound energy imports from the US promise to emerge as the second-most important pillar of their “global strategic partnershi­p”. As the Indian minister for petroleum and natural gas recently said, India’s imports from US of crude and gas that stood at $6.7 in 2019 are expected to cross $10 billion this year.

The US is India’s sixth-largest supplier of energy, and India its fourth-largest destinatio­n for energy exports. During the “Howdy, Modi” event (a rally of tens of thousands of Indian-Americans) in Houston, Texas, last year, India announced it would invest $2.5 billion into the energy sector. India’s Petronet LNG Limited and the US’ Tellurian Inc have been finalizing its modalities. And the Nuclear Power Corporatio­n of India Limited is now financiall­y underwriti­ng the bankrupt Westinghou­se for procuring long awaited six nuclear power reactors promised after India and US signed a civil nuclear cooperatio­n agreement in 2008. The two sides are also exploring opportunit­ies for partnershi­ps in clean energy technologi­es.

It is this hard economics that underwrite­s the two countries’ expanding strategic convergenc­e in fighting terrorism and ensuring peace and stability in the “Indo-Pacific” region, and vocalizing high-octane platitudes while their operationa­l strategies and priorities continue to vary widely.

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