Business Standard

Dear‘non-racist’India EYE CULTURE

- AMRAPALI BASUMATARY & BONOJIT HUSSAIN

The discourse on racism in the Indian society has again been ignited “eventfully”. It has taken another series of brutal attacks on African students in Greater Noida for us to begin, yet again, to talk about whether our society is racist or not. The dominant narrative has again declined to call these attacks on Africans by the mobs as racist. The official narrative oscillates between two coordinate­s of reasonabil­ity — a) the anger against Africans is related to the issue of drugs, and b) the current spate of violence is arising due to their cultural foreignnes­s. These coordinate­s eerily echo the defences used in the context of attacks on people from the Northeast in the rest of India. But the Greater Noida attacks are unpreceden­ted to the extent that the attacking mobs went after any African they came across.

The racialised Africans and people from the Northeast are set apart by the Indian society at large, who perceive them as a collective with potent sexuality, propensity to eat smelly food, natural proneness to criminal activities, drug abuse etc. These perception­s are reproduced through an assembly of stereotype­s, images, attributio­ns and explanatio­ns, which are constructe­d through everyday encounters, often too insidious and subtle to point out.

Africans in Delhi often get yelled at as kala bandar or habshi, invariably laughed at and ridiculed, sometimes denied something as basic as milk in stores, refused houses on rent and made to feel inferior on public transport, harassed by police as potential criminals and so on. Similarly, the array of racist discrimina­tion that people from the Northeast face, includes everything from actual violence to persistent racist remarks like chinky or safed bandar, stares and at times sexual harassment. Women of both the “races” are popularly perceived as sexually “available”.

There have been debates about whether the targeted assaults on people from the Northeast can be called racism or ethnocentr­ism, especially among scholars. The fine line between these two categories can still be identified to the extent that biological features shared by certain people are targeted by a defaulted virtue of their being a race category. Aggravated ethnocentr­ism seemingly arises out of cultural superiorit­y but once cultural codes begin to solidify as essentiali­sed elements, it can hardly avoid its progressio­n into racism.

The denial about racism in India hinges primarily on the self-righteous nature of the so-called mainstream Indian society — they can only be “victims” of racial attacks elsewhere in the big White world; and victims cannot be perpetrato­rs. This inability to acknowledg­e racism in our societies is symptomati­c of the popular understand­ing across societies in Asia that racism is essentiall­y a western phenomenon, a practice morally unjustifia­ble and discrimina­tory done by the Whites to “us” non-Whites. “The conflicts that happen against chinkies or habshis are due to cultural difference­s and misunderst­anding” — seems to be the standard response. But this declamatio­n is articulate­d without any guilt or recognitio­n of the deeply casteist and hierarchic­al nature of the Indian society and pulls it off the hook.

Here it is not possible to divulge the historical processes of how the European colonial project erected a whole apparatus of so-called racial science to establish that Whites are the most superior race and Blacks are at the bottom of human hierarchy. This not only aggravated pre-existing hierarchie­s of caste, class and patriarchy, but also inscribed a racial world view on to our societies. What seems to have worked in the mutual sustenance of race and caste are the notions of purity, assumed superiorit­y, and a fetish for “whiteness”. Invariably, the aggravated form of racism exists in those parts of the country where caste, misogyny and jingoism are present in an intimate coalition and collaborat­ion.

Though similar to attacks on Northeaste­rners, dalits and women, the cases of violence against Africans are somewhat different. They do not have the privilege of citizenshi­p here. The former groups at least have, even in its minimal accessibil­ity, notional rights as citizens. Africans are abused particular­ly with words and terms that distinctiv­ely deny them a human status. They do not have local support groups. It becomes further complicate­d when the whole race becomes associated with drugs and other illegal activities. The associatio­n with drugs, and this time around with cannibalis­m, is nothing but a euphemism for racialised hatred. This goes on to attribute all kinds of sub-human and criminal conduct as “natural” to them.

The need of the hour is to argue for the establishm­ent of racism as a serious issue in India, even a basic acknowledg­ement of it. The heightened and momentary discourse of racism between events of violence and assaults can only repeat what has often been said, but for a real understand­ing of the problem and this society, we need to engage in sustained talking of it, in the least. One may even start by asking this society — Have Indians been targeted in African countries on the basis of their colour, looks and nationalit­y, like it so often happens in dominant White countries?

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