Business Standard

There is still hope for agricultur­e TESSELLATU­M

- NEELKANTH MISHRA

The state of Madhya Pradesh (MP) saw a 30 per cent increase in agricultur­al output last year. While it came on the back of two weak years, since 2008 the annualised growth has been 20 per cent (a remarkable 10 per cent a year in real terms). Agricultur­e has now increased to 38 per cent of its total output, versus 17 per cent (and falling) for India on average.

The state of Andhra Pradesh (AP) did not see much of a slowdown in its agricultur­al output even during the drought years: Output growth of crop agricultur­e did decline, but 30 per cent growth in fisheries each year and a double-digit growth in livestock output more than offset that. Last year, as output of crop also rebounded, real output growth in agricultur­e was 14 per cent.

India faces many economic challenges but the most difficult perhaps is in agricultur­e. It still employs nearly half the workforce, while producing only about a sixth of the output, and faces a demand problem, with slowing population growth and declining per capita calorie demand. An exodus of workers from agricultur­e appears imminent, but with no clarity on where they will be absorbed.

The state of Karnataka exemplifie­s this problem: It was unfortunat­e to receive poor rainfall even last year (when the rest of the country saw a normal monsoon), but agricultur­al output growth has been disappoint­ingly low in the past decade, which had many years of good rainfall, too. The state’s agricultur­e share of aggregate output has now fallen to 12 per cent, even as half the workforce is still in agricultur­e.

The achievemen­ts of MP and AP, therefore, provide food for thought. They are not uniquely blessed with natural endowments. It appears to be government policy, patiently executed over several years, that has mainly enabled these changes.

MP has constructe­d nearly 60,000 kilometres of rural roads since 2006, connecting 14,000 habitation­s by all-weather roads for the first time: This is critical for farmers to have market access. Irrigated area is up nearly 63 per cent since 2006, taking the net sown area that has irrigation facilities from 38 per cent to nearly 65 per cent. This focus continues: Irrigation spending is due to double between 2015 and 2018. Interestin­gly, it seems to have achieved this with relatively small expenditur­e: Karnataka on the other hand has outspent MP nearly every year in the last decade, with an insignific­ant increase in irrigated area.

MP has also improved market conditions and processes: It is one of the few states in India where a substantia­l part of cereal output is procured at Minimum Support Prices. It launched its financial inclusion scheme “Samriddhi” in 2011, where 7.65 million bank accounts were opened, enabling farmers to get paid directly into their bank accounts. It has experiment­ed with Farmer Producer Organizati­ons (FPOs) to improve farmers’ bargaining power, and offset the well-known but hard to solve problem of farmers buying everything retail but selling everything wholesale (this was observed by John F Kennedy in 1960 for US farmers, but appears to be a universal problem). A back-of-theenvelop­e calculatio­n shows that MP’s per capita income in agricultur­e is now 65 per cent higher than Karnataka’s, from being lower a decade ago.

Similarly, AP has been the dominant fisheries producer state in India for a while: Even the popular freshwater Rohu fish available in markets of far-off Bihar is often frozen “Andhra fish”. But the accelerati­on from low-teens per cent growth in output to 30 per cent growth in the last two years can perhaps be ascribed to the fisheries policy of the AP government that was introduced in 2015.

Productivi­ty improvemen­t is critical for agricultur­al demand to grow, especially as it may only come from three sources: Exports, import replacemen­t (India imported $24 billion of agricultur­al products last year, mostly edible oil and pulses), and greater affordabil­ity (per capita consumptio­n of fats and proteins is low in India but can rise meaningful­ly only if they become cheaper).

For the first two, which are the clearer opportunit­ies, production costs need to be competitiv­e. For example, India’s edible oil production costs are so high that the government has to repeatedly impose import duties to protect domestic producers. This is usually ascribed to the crop itself — oil palms having much higher yields than the commonly grown oilseeds in India but farming productivi­ty has a role to play as well. In wheat, the fall in the currencies of Ukraine, Russia and Brazil have made their farmers more competitiv­e: The recent sharp appreciati­on of the rupee hurts the Indian farmers. Agricultur­al exports have very high domestic value-add (and hence currency impact) given that they do not need much imported inputs, unlike say petrochemi­cals, metals or gems and jewellery. (A side note: Few seem to appreciate that the Indian farmer is among the biggest beneficiar­ies of rupee weakness). However, as MP and AP have shown, effective policies, better irrigation, and improved access to markets and informatio­n can go a long way in improving farm income. Can other states repeat their successes?

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