Time devoted to legislation has been declining
I have expounded in such great detail on the history of representative government for a specific purpose. It is to underline the fact that if prominent legislators of pre-Independence days with limited powers could have done so much, how much more can be done by our MPs, MLAs and MLCs of today.
Our modern-day legislators must recognise that the Constitution of India places our Parliament and Assemblies at the centre of governance and conceives them as the primary instrument of good governance and socio-economic change. The job of a legislator is a 24x7 responsibility. Legislators must at all times be sensitive and responsive to the problems and concerns of the people. They must give voice to the grievances of the public by raising them on the floor of the legislature and act as the link between the people and the government.
Legislation is the first and foremost responsibility of a parliamentarian. It is most unfortunate that time devoted towards legislation has been gradually declining in our Parliament. To illustrate, the first Lok Sabha from 1952-57 had 677 sittings in which 319 Bills were passed. In comparison, the 14th Lok Sabha from 2004-2009 had 332 sittings and passed just 247 Bills. The 15th Lok Sabha had 357 sittings and passed 181 Bills while the 16th Lok Sabha has had 197 sittings and passed only 111 Bills (up to the 10th session).
Figures are available for the time lost due to interruptions/adjournments from the 10th Lok Sabha (1991-96) onwards. 9.95 per cent of the total time was lost due to interruptions in the 10th Lok Sabha, 5.28 per cent in the 11th Lok Sabha, 11.93 per cent in the 12th Lok Sabha, 18.95 per cent in the 13th Lok Sabha, 19.58 per cent in the 14th Lok Sabha, a shocking 41.6 per cent in the 15th Lok Sabha and about 16 per cent in the 16th Lok Sabha (up to the 10th session).
Presiding officers conferences have time and again reiterated the need for holding a minimum of 100 days of sittings every year. With the heightened complexity of administration, legislation must be preceded by adequate discussion and scrutiny; if not, it will fail to deliver the desired results or meet its objectives. There is need for collective thinking by political parties and leaders of our country on how to ensure smooth running of our Parliament and Legislative Assemblies.
At Independence, India was faced with apparently insurmountable challenges such as poverty, illiteracy, ethnic and linguistic diversity, diverse castes and classes and the rural base of the economy, all of which militated against India’s democratic transition. The odds were stacked high against its political consolidation as civil strife on grounds of religious identity tore society apart at Partition. But, our critics have been proved completely wrong.
Today, India has a vigorously free press, a robust system of political parties, an independent and active judiciary, an apolitical military and a thriving civil society. Its democracy has an array of institutions such as an effective Election Commission, an autonomous Union Public Service Commission, a proactive watchdog of public accounts in the Comptroller and Auditor General, an independent National Human Rights Commission, to name but a few. The institutional efficacy of these democratic institutions is beyond doubt.
India’s democratic transition was a courageous leap for a country that was emerging from colonial rule. It was an audacious decision of India’s leaders to adopt a constitution that enshrines liberal democracy as the guiding principle for its polity in one masterly stroke, while democracy evolved in a gradual manner over a long period in the older democratic states in the West. India’s democratic transition and consolidation owes much to the dominant legacy of the national freedom movement. Men and women, in millions, rose to the nationalist call and took active part in the mass movement. India has not only sustained its democracy but is today the world’s largest democracy and a thriving one.
India’s parliamentary democracy is safeguarded by the zeal of the Indian people for democracy. Our people have through their overwhelming and enthusiastic participation in 16 general elections given the seal of approval for our political system. In the last general elections in 2014, nearly 66.3 per cent of the 84.3 crore plus electors voted to choose 543 representatives to the Lok Sabha.
India’s institutions of democratic governance are hailed across the developing world as a model political system, just as India’s hugely multicultural society is seen as a beacon for those transitional societies, which are struggling to cope with complexities of race, religion, language and culture. Today, the developing world looks up to India with admiration and rightly so, as India successfully treads the difficult path of democratic governance with a billion-plus people.
Despite the successful working of our parliamentary democracy, many people still live under conditions of poverty, deprivation and illiteracy. A substantial section of our society still remains untouched by the lofty ideals and objectives of our governance. It is only when we succeed in making a positive impact upon the lives of those sections of people, can we claim that the democratic system of governance we adopted has become relevant for all our people.
The challenge before us is to realise the guiding principle of Indian democracy as envisioned by our Father of Nation, Mahatma Gandhi namely, “It is one where the weakest should have the same opportunity as the strongest.” Democracy should provide for an enabling environment which helps every section of society to fully participate in the process of governance.
In the 11th Lok Sabha 5.28 per cent of the total time was lost due to interruptions, in the 12th Lok Sabha 11.93 per cent, 18.95 per cent in the 13th Lok Sabha, 19.58 per cent in the 14th Lok Sabha, 41.6 per cent in the 15th Lok Sabha and about 16 per cent in the 16th Lok Sabha