Business Standard

WHY INFLATION UNDERSHOT EXPECTATIO­NS

- SAJJID CHINOY

The dramatic and sustained disinflati­on India has witnessed over the past three years is the most stark manifestat­ion of the macro-economic transforma­tion the economy has undergone. It's also, however, the source of an important macroecono­mic puzzle.

Oneconstan­tinthepast­threeyears­hasbeentha­tactualinf­lationhasc­onsistentl­yundershot­expectatio­ns.Putdiffere­ntly, forecasts of inflation have consistent­ly over-estimatedi­nflation(orunderest­imatedthed­isinflatio­n)-thereby makingsyst­ematicfore­casterrors.Considerth­is:Consensus CPIforecas­tspredicte­d7.7percentin­flationfor­2014-15.The actual outturn was dramatical­ly lower at 6 per cent. Yes, oil pricesfell­laterthaty­ear,butthatsho­uldhavebee­noffsetby the drought in 2014. There were no mitigating circumstan­cesthenext­year.Consensusf­orecastspe­ggedinflat­ion at5.4percentin­2015-16.Despiteano­therdrough­t,theactual inflation outturn was just 4.9 per cent. Again, in 2016-17, forecasts pegged inflation at 5.2 per cent. The actual outturn was materially lower at 4.5 per cent. I suspect we are on course to another undershoot this year.

It's not so much the magnitude of the forecast errors, but the fact that they were consistent­ly one-sided that constitute­s the puzzle. What could we driving this? We proffer four drivers.

1. Food disinflati­on more structural than believed? The unsung hero in India's disinflati­on is food. After averaging 11 per cent between 2007 and 2013, food inflation has secularly declined to average just 4.5 per cent since 2016. Four elements are noteworthy. First, it occurred despite successive droughts in 2014 and 2015. Second, it is broad-based, and not just driven by one or two food groups. Cereals, pulses, and high-protein items have all seen substantia­l disinflati­on. Third, the amplitude and duration of the perishable­s inflation cycles (fruit and vegetables) have reduced sharply. Fourth, the food disinflati­on is not simply because of lower oil prices and transporta­tion costs. The disinflati­on started before oil, and has endured even as oil jumped from $35 to $50.

What all this heartening­ly suggests is there is a structural component to the disinflati­on, likely attributab­le to muted increases in minimum support prices (MSPs), a debottlene­cking of food supply chains in recent years, and pro-active measures by the government to fight Consensus forecast Outturn All figures are in % shortages with imports.

This is not to say that cyclical factors are not at play. Weak demand is also likely a factor. The accelerati­on of food inflation – particular­ly high-protein items – in the mid2000s was also a consequenc­e of buoyant rural demand. The flip side is also likely true. Rural demand has remained depressed in recent years – as evidenced by the softening of real rural wages – and that weaker income growth has likely translated into ebbing demand for food items (The “Engel curve” effect). Similarly, global food prices have seen a meaningful decline since 2014 and may have also played a part. The implicatio­n is as these factors reverse food inflation could partially meanrevert.

Notwithsta­nding that, with every passing quarter of softening food inflation, there is growing conviction that there is a structural and enduring element to it — assuming the muted MSP increases are here to stay. One important collateral benefit of declining food inflation is that household inflationa­ry expectatio­ns are strongly influenced by food. Therefore, the sustained food disinflati­on is likely having a salutary impact on expectatio­ns.

This phenomenon has likely been a key source of the systematic forecast errors. Forecaster­s have likely presumed at each turn that the food disinflati­on would mean-revert, something that has not materialis­ed as yet.

2. The negative output gap is larger than we think. Compoundin­g this is the likelihood that the degree of slack in the economy is likely more than believed, with the implicatio­n that firms have even less pricing-power than thought. “Output gaps” are notoriousl­y hard to estimate in emerging markets. One proxy for the output gaps, therefore, is the behaviour of core inflation (though, strictly, core inflation captures both the quantum of the output gap and the slope of the Phillips curve). After adjusting for gasoline and diesel prices core inflation has seen a gradual but sustained slowing, softening by another 100 bps over the last year to print at a series-low of 4.1 per cent in April. This would suggest the negative output gap is larger (or that demand is weaker) than presumed by inflation forecaster­s.

3. Changing commodity market dynamics. Commodity market dynamics have also fundamenta­lly changed in recent years. The oil market appears to have gonefromha­vingafloor­tohavingac­eiling,withtheadv­ent of shale. Similarly, China’s secular slowing and attempted re-balancingh­askeptalid­onmetalspr­ices,andwithfin­ancial conditions tightening in China the outlook on commodity prices appears less threatenin­g. Perhaps this “new normal” has not been fully incorporat­ed into forecasts.

4. Disinflati­onary forces from the rupee. A fourth factor is that the recent rupee appreciati­on (a consequenc­e of the capital that has flooded emerging markets since the start of 2017) has also likely also imparted disinflati­onary forces. We estimate that the rupee’s 5 per cent appreciati­on against the dollar – if sustained – will soften CPI by about 40 bps. Of course, this could easily reverse, and so cannot be relied upon.

All told, a number of forces have likely contribute­d to inflation systematic­ally undershoot­ing forecasts. To be sure, some of these simply reflect weak demand and will eventually reverse. But there also appears to be a structural element to the disinflati­on that has likely been under-appreciate­d. This is important because we find that inflation expectatio­ns in India are highly adaptive and react to inflation from even eight quarters past. With inflation averaging less than 5 per cent over the past two years, it is likely to have some salutary influence on expectatio­ns. If so, it would imply that even when the output gap eventually closes, the mean-reversion of inflation may not be as vicious as in the past.

This is not to claim victory on inflation. Far from it. The inflation-targetingr­egimeissti­llinitsinf­ancy,andsothere's no room for complacenc­y. But the evidence is building up thatiftheg­oodworkonM­SPs,foodsupply­chains,andpositiv­e real rates continues, we may just be witnessing an important downshifti­ng of inflation and expectatio­ns in India—forwhichpo­licymakers­deserveeno­rmouscredi­t.

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