Business Standard

Merkel’s Pyrrhic victory

Her party’s diminished majority raises global uncertaint­y

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Germans are not the only ones to face the consequenc­es of the diminished victory for Angela Merkel and her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), and the Bavarian sister party Christian Social Union. With 33 per cent of the vote, this performanc­e marks the party’s worst result since 1949. With US President Donald Trump rapidly ceding his country’s global leadership and the United Kingdom headed for instabilit­y as Brexit negotiatio­ns ricochet from one controvers­y to another, Ms Merkel, head of Europe’s largest and consistent­ly fast-growing economy, was widely seen as the natural successor to the role of leader of the free world. Now, as she begins challengin­g coalition talks with two minor parties, which are disincline­d to collaborat­e with each other, she stands weakened, raising levels of uncertaint­y within the European Union just as it faces an existentia­l threat and global politics enters a period of instabilit­y.

Ms Merkel’s forceful endorsemen­t of the Paris Climate Change agreement after Mr Trump repudiated it, and her robust support of the UN-brokered nuclear pact with Iran, which the US president wants to disavow, are vital signals in a world in which raw nationalis­m is ratcheting up global tensions. It is ironic, in fact, that the very qualities that raised Ms Merkel’s profile globally – such as her courageous decision to accept over a million West Asian refugees – contribute­d to the CDU’s diminishin­g domestic popularity, just as much as her globally unpopular implacabil­ity over Greek debt repayment earlier in her tenure raised her profile at home. It should be a matter of some concern that the perceived weakening of the CDU’s centre-right position, which a cynical refugee-exchange deal brokered between the EU and Turkey failed to leaven, has been the gain of the far-right Alternativ­e for Germany (Afd). The party secured 13 per cent of the vote, marking the first time an openly nationalis­t party will enter the Bundestag in six decades.

Taken together with small but significan­t gains in elections this year by Marine Le Pen’s crudely anti-immigratio­n National Front – eight parliament­ary seats, up from two in 2012 – and the five-seat gain by the unpreposse­ssing Geert Wilders and his anti-EU, anti-Islamic Party for Freedom in The Netherland­s, right-wing nationalis­m appears to be gaining a toe-hold in Europe again. Indeed, in Germany, the centre-left Social Democratic Party appears to have been a bigger loser, gaining just 20 per cent of the vote, a historic low. Having declined to tie up with the CDU, the SPD will sit as the main Opposition in Parliament. All of which signals a clear message for Europe’s conservati­ve/liberal politician­s and Ms Merkel in particular: The time for realism has arrived. To ensure that illiberal forces do not hijack the discourse and sink Europe into the kind of populist chaos that is afflicting the US, she and leaders like her need to address in practical terms the popular fears, however irrational, of the demographi­c, economic and cultural pressures of immigrants, not to forget the plight of that small but vocal proportion of the population that has suffered the consequenc­es of globalisat­ion. The time for ideology may be over.

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