Business Standard

China’s version of globalisat­ion

China has seen a decline in its ability to upgrade its manufactur­ing industries, and it is against this backdrop that Xi Jinping has launched the ‘belt and road’ initiative

- HE FAN, ZHU HE & LI CHAOHUI

In the past 40 years, China has achieved sustained high rates of economic growth after the implementa­tion of the policy of reforms and opening up. This has generated worldwide attention for the “Chinese miracle.” In 1980, China’s exports amounted to only 5.9 per cent of GDP and its foreign investment abroad was only just over $1.6 billion; by 2013, the latter figure had increased to $290 billion.

China’s integratio­n into the world economy essentiall­y began in the 1990s. In 1992, Deng Xiaoping, the then national leader, during his visit to the southern part of the country, for the first time put forward the idea that China should open up. This pronouncem­ent can be said to have laid the basic framework for the Chinese economy in the next 10 or 20 years. Since then, a large number of workers have migrated from the rural areas to the urban centres while a significan­t amount of foreign capital has been invested in the coastal areas of China. As a result of the combinatio­n of foreign capital and China’s cheap labour force, Chinese coastal areas became the centre of assembling processed products, which were then exported abroad. This is characteri­stically a very Chinese model of opening up to the outside world. In the course of this phenomenon, the assimilati­on of China into the world economy has increased substantia­lly.

The internatio­nal environmen­t of that time was also very favourable to China. In the 1990s, with the end of the Cold War, world globalisat­ion was at its peak. Western countries in general supported China’s opening up policy. At that time, the internatio­nal situation was also relatively stable while the internatio­nal economy was shifting from traditiona­l interindus­try trade to intra-industry trade driven by emerging technologi­es such as the internet. This provided China with greater opportunit­ies to enter the global production network. It was able to not only draw in more foreign capital but also benefitted from foreign investment­s in the technology sectors, leading to a spillover effect.

Chinese business enterprise­s have very strong learning abilities; hence the ability of the manufactur­ing industry to enhance labour productivi­ty is very fast. This has been further strengthen­ed and attained its peak since China joined the WTO in 2000. From 2005-2007, it was China’s exports and imports that drove its economic growth.

With the global financial crisis in 2008, China’s globalisat­ion process entered a new stage. First, China’s trade surplus as a proportion of GDP decreased steadily. Second, China’s capacity to draw FDI also declined significan­tly. In 2014, Chinese FDI abroad surpassed FDI in China. Third, since 2014, China’s foreign exchange reserves of approximat­ely $4 trillion began to decline. This has more or less stabilised around $3 trillion in recent times.

All these factors point toward the various internal and external changes within the Chinese economy. Externally, after the global financial crisis, globalisat­ion has slowed, trade protection­ism has intensifie­d and China’s increased reliance on exports has further impeded the Chinese economy. Internally, China is conscious of the great imbalance that has plagued its developmen­t model in the past. Very high rates of savings and excessive dependence on investment­s have been the two main causes for China’s trade imbalance. Farmers from the China’s countrysid­e have spent their youth working and contributi­ng to its export enterprise­s, and earning foreign exchange by exporting cheap products to markets abroad. While the income that they earned abroad is deposited in Chinese banks, creating huge forex reserves for the country, China invests most of these reserves in US treasury bonds at very low rates. One point of view therefore is that China has already fallen into the “dollar trap” because it is accompanie­d by lack of material benefits and loss of efficiency. Moreover, China has found it difficult to assume a positive and more responsive method to deal with this situation.

After the global financial crisis of 2008, China planned to give serious considerat­ion to both the domestic and internatio­nal markets and, in fact, gave more importance to the developmen­t of the domestic market. Until now there has been some success but there is scope for improvemen­t.

On the one hand, due to the importance given to the developmen­t of the domestic market, China’s domestic rate of consumptio­n has increased at a very high rate, thereby creating a new domestic consumer market. A significan­t number of Chinese companies are now more active in the domestic market, notable among them internet companies such as Alibaba, Tencent, and Baidu.

On the other hand, China has seen a decline in its ability to upgrade its manufactur­ing industries. Foreign enterprise­s are no longer favoured in China as they were in the past. Many, including even local Chinese companies, are now considerin­g shifting production to emerging-market economies such as Indonesia and Vietnam to make use of the comparativ­e advantage in labour costs.

It is against this backdrop, that Chinese leader Xi Jinping has put forward the “belt and road” initiative, which is, in fact, a Chinese version of globalisat­ion.

Overall, China’s economy and globalisat­ion have had a shared evolutiona­ry relationsh­ip — China has been the biggest beneficiar­y of globalisat­ion while it has, at the same time, attempted to adjust the tempo of globalisat­ion to suit its own needs. If there is anything that can be learned from China and globalisat­ion then it is the fact that China was able to make the right decisions at the right time.

Both foreign and local firms are considerin­g shifting to emerging market economies to make use of the cheaper labour costs

 ??  ?? Chinese President Xi Jinping (third from right) and Premier Li Keqiang (second from right) at a session the National People’s Congress on March 8, 2017
Chinese President Xi Jinping (third from right) and Premier Li Keqiang (second from right) at a session the National People’s Congress on March 8, 2017

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